登录  
 加关注
查看详情
   显示下一条  |  关闭
温馨提示!由于新浪微博认证机制调整,您的新浪微博帐号绑定已过期,请重新绑定!立即重新绑定新浪微博》  |  关闭

富贵而名摩灭不可胜记,唯俶傥非常之人生焉

世有大勇者,猝然临之而不惊,无故加之而不怒,此其所挟持者甚大,而其志甚远也

 
 
 

日志

 
 

《哈维尔致胡萨克公开信》 结尾有删减  

2011-11-03 18:59:22|  分类: 他科之璞可以攻玉 |  标签: |举报 |字号 订阅

  下载LOFTER 我的照片书  |
Dear Dr. Husák,
 
In our offices and factories work goes on, discipline prevails. The efforts of our citizens are yielding visible results in a slowly rising standard of living: people build houses, buy cars, have children, amuse themselves, live their lives.
All this, of course, amounts to very little as a criterion for the success or failure of your policies. After every social upheaval, people invariably come back in the end to their daily labors, for the simple reason that they want to stay alive; they do so for their own sake, after all, not for the sake of this or that team of political leaders.
Not that going to work, doing the shopping, and living their own lives is all that people do. They do much more than that: they commit themselves to numerous output norms which they then fulfill and over-fulfill; they vote as one man and unanimously elect the candidates proposed to them; they are active in various political organizations; they attend meetings and demonstrations; they declare their support for everything they are supposed to. Nowhere can any sign of dissent be seen from anything that the government does.
 亲爱的胡萨克博士:  
  在我们的办公室和工厂,工作照样进行,纪律正在奏效。我们公民们的努力正在产生可见的效果,生活水平缓慢地增长:人们造房子,买汽车,生孩子,给自己消遣,过着他们的生活。  
  当然,所有这些,作为衡量您政策的成功或失败的尺度来说是微不足道的。在每一个社会动荡之后,人们最后总是回到他们的日常劳作,同样的原因他们要活着,他们这样做是为了他们自己,说到底,并不是为了这个或那个政治领导人的小集团。
 不仅是上班、开店、过他们自己的生活,他们做得比这些还多:他们投身于巨大的生产定额,完成或超额完成它们;他们像一个人那样投票,一致地选举某个推荐给他们的候选人;他们在各种政治组织中活动,参加会议和游行;他们宣称支持他们应该支持的每一件事情。没有地方可以看到对于政府所做的任何事情持异议者的迹象。
These facts, of course, are not to be made light of. One must ask seriously, at this point, whether all this does not confirm your success in achieving the tasks your team set itself-those of winning the public's support and consolidating the situation in the country.
  当然,这些事实不是无足轻重的。在这个意义上,人们必须认真地询问,是否所有这些进一步巩固了您的成功,完成了您的小集团所制定的任务,——它们赢得了社会的支持和稳定了这个国家的形势?其回答必须建立在我们对稳定所做的解释上面。
 
The answer must depend on what we mean by consolidation.
Insofar as it is to be measured solely by statistical returns of various kinds, by official statements and police accounts of the public's political involvement, and so forth, then we can hardly feel any doubt that consolidation has been achieved.
在单靠由各种各样统计申报数字、官方声明和有关社会政治牵连的治安报道*(?)等所衡量的范围来看,我们几乎不感到任何怀疑——稳定获得了成功。
But what if we take consolidation to mean something more, a genuine state of mind in society? Supposing we start to inquire about more durable, perhaps subtler and more imponderable, but nonetheless significant factors, such as what, by way of genuine personal, human experience lies hidden behind all the figures?    
Supposing we ask, for example, what has been done for the moral and spiritual revival of society, for the enhancement of the truly human dimensions of life, for the elevation of man to a higher degree of dignity, for his truly free and authentic assertion in this world? What do we find when we thus turn our attention from the mere outward manifestations to their inner causes and consequences, their connections and meanings, in a word, to that less obvious plane of reality where those manifestations might actually acquire a general human meeting? Can we, even then, consider our society "consolidated"? 
  但是,如果我们着眼于稳定的进一步含义,社会中一种真正的精神状态?假定我们开始询问更持久、也许更敏感和更无可估量然而是有意义的事实,譬如以真正的个人及人类经验的方式来看,什么是隐藏在所有数字背后的东西?假设我们询问——例如为了社会道德和精神的复苏,为了生活的真正人性尺度的扩展,为了高水平的人的尊严的提升,为了人在这个世界上真正的自由和意愿——迄今所做的?因此当我们将注意力从仅仅是从外部现象转到它们内在的原因和结果,它们的联系和意义,一句话,转到那些现实的更不明显的层面上。在那里这些现象或许正获得一种普遍的人类理解时,我们能发现什么?难道我们还能认为我们的社会是“稳定”的?
 I make so bold as to answer, No; to assert that, for all the outwardly persuasive facts, inwardly our society, far from being a consolidated one, is, on the contrary, plunging ever deeper into a crisis more dangerous, in some respects, than any we can recall in our recent history.  
  我不妨如此冒昧地回答:不。断言如此因为所有*(应译为“尽管存在这些表面具有说服力的事实”)这些外部看似有说服力的现象和我们社会的心灵深处,远不是一个稳定的存在,它甚至正在陷入一种危机,在某些方面,危机比在我们的近代史中所能回忆的任何时候还要严重。
I shall try to justify this assertion.
我将试图证明这种看法。  

The basic question one must ask is this: Why are people in fact behaving in the way they do? Why do they do all these things that, taken together, form the impressive image of a totally united society giving total support to its government? For any unprejudiced observer, the answer is, I think, selfevident: They are driven to it by fear.
人们必须询问的根本问题是:实际上人们为什么以这种方式去做?为什么他们做所有这些事情?——它们加起来形成一种深刻的印象,一个全都联合起来的社会给予其政府以全部支持。对任何不带偏见的观察者来说,我想其回答是不言而喻的:他们被恐惧所驱赶。

  
For fear of losing his job, the schoolteacher teaches things he does not believe; fearing for his future, the pupil repeats them after him; for fear of not being allowed to continue his studies, the young man joins the Youth League and participates in whatever of its activities are necessary; fear that, under the monstrous system of political credits, his son or daughter will not acquire the necessary total of points for enrollment at a school leads the father to take on all manner of responsibilities and "voluntarily" to do everything required. Fear of the consequences of refusal leads people to take part in elections, to vote for the proposed candidates, and to pretend that they regard such ceremonies as genuine elections; out of fear for their livelihood, position, or prospects, they go to meetings, vote for every resolution they have to, or at least keep silent: it is fear that carries them through humiliating acts of self-criticism and penance and the dishonest filling out of a mass of degrading questionnaires; fear that someone might inform against them prevents them from giving public, and often even private, expression to their true opinions. It is the fear of suffering financial reverses and the effort to better themselves and ingratiate themselves with the authorities that in most cases makes working men put their names to "work commitments"; indeed, the same motives often lie behind the establishment of Socialist Labor Brigades, in the clear realization that their chief function is to be mentioned in the appropriate reports to higher levels. Fear causes people to attend all those official celebrations, demonstrations, and marches: Fear of being prevented from continuing their work leads many scientists and artists to give allegiance to ideas they do not in fact accept, to write things they do not agree with or know to be false, to join official organizations or to take part in work of whose value they have the lowest opinion, or to distort and mutilate *(render (a book,etc.)imperfect by excision or some act of destruction) their own works. In the effort to save themselves, many even report others for doing to them what they themselves have been doing to the people they report.
因为恐惧失去自己的工作,中学老师讲授他并不相信的东西;因为恐惧自己的前途,学生跟在老师后面重复他;因为恐惧不被允许继续自己的学业,青年人入团和参加不管是否必要的活动;在这种畸形的政治信誉*(?)的制度下,因为恐惧他的儿子或女儿是否取得了必要的入学总分,使得父亲采用所有义务的和“自愿”的方式去做每一次被要求的事。因为恐惧拒绝的结果,导致人们参加选举,给被推荐的候选人投票,并假装他们认为这种形同虚设的走过场是真正的选举;出于对生计、地位或前程的恐惧,他们不得不投票赞成每一项决议,或至少保持沉默;是恐惧使得他们经历自我批评、赎罪、不光彩地填写一大串丢脸问题的令人羞辱的行为。恐惧或许有人会告发他们,将他们驱逐出现存社会,他们通常在私下里表达他们真实的想法。在大多数情况下,使得劳动者以他们名义的所谓“工作义务”,是那种恐惧忍受经济倒退、努力想改善自身和为了讨好权势者。实际上,同样的动机也隐藏在建立“社会主义劳动突击队”的背后,存在于这种清醒地意识到它们的主要功能是在给上级的合适的报告中被提及。恐惧导致人们出席各种官方的庆祝会、示威和游行。因为恐惧被从正在进行的工作中驱赶出来,许多科学家和艺术家效忠于他们事实上并不接受的观念,写他们不同意的或明知是虚假的东西,参加官方的组织和参与他们认为是几无价值的工作,要不歪曲和删改他们自己的作品。在保存自己的努力中,许多人甚至报告恰恰是他们自己对被报告人做的那种事情。
 
The fear I am speaking of is not, of course, to be taken in the ordinary psychological sense as a definite, precise emotion. Most of those we see around us are not quaking like aspen *(白杨)leaves: they wear the faces of confident, self-satisfied citizens. We are concerned with fear in a deeper sense, an ethical sense if you will, namely, the more or less conscious participation in the collective awareness of a permanent and ubiquitous danger; anxiety about what is being, or might be, threatened; becoming gradually used to this threat as a substantive part of the actual world; the increasing degree to which, in an ever more skillful and matter-of-fact way, we go in for various kinds of external adaptation as the only effective method of self defense.
当然,我所说的恐惧,并不是通常心理学意义的一种确切的情感。我们在周围看到的大多数人并不像颤动的树叶那样发抖:他们的脸上呈现着坚定、自我满足的公民的表情。我们涉及的恐惧是在更深的意义上,如果你愿意,可以说它是在伦理学的意义上,即对于一种持久的、普遍存在的、危机的集体意识或多或少的分享,忧虑什么是或可能是受威胁的,并逐渐变得习惯于这种威胁,将其认作实用的方法,我们追随各种外部适应的形式作为仅有的自我保护的有效手段。  


Naturally, fear is not the only building block in the present social structure.
Nonetheless, it is the main, the fundamental material, without which not even that surface uniformity, discipline, and unanimity on which official documents base their assertions about the "consolidated" state of affairs in our country could be attained. 自然,恐惧并不是当前社会结构中仅有的建筑材料。然而,它是主要的、基本的材料,没有它甚至没有表面的统一、纪律和一致,断言我们国家可以获得稳定局面的官方文件即基于此。  

The question arises, of course: What are people actually afraid of? Trials? Torture? Loss of property? Deportations? Executions? Certainly not. The most brutal forms of pressure exerted by the authorities upon the public are, fortunately, past history-at least in our circumstances. Today, oppression takes more subtle and selective forms. And even if political trials do not take place today-everyone knows how the authorities manage to manipulate them-they only represent an extreme threat, while the main thrust has moved into the sphere of existential pressure. Which, of course, leaves the core of the matter largely unchanged. 当然问题来了:什么是人们事实上害怕的?审判?拷打?失去财产?流放?死刑?当然不是。幸运的是,大多数由当权者对待人们施加压力的残酷行径如今已经成为历史——至少在我们的环境中。今天,压制采取了更微妙和精致的形式。并且即使政治审判在今天也没有发生——每个人知道当权者如何操纵他们——它们仅仅扮演着一种极度的威胁,而主要的压力则转向生存压力的领域。当然,问题的核心并没有改变。  

Notoriously, it is not the absolute value of a threat which counts, so much as its relative value. It is not so much what someone objectively loses, as the subjective importance it has for him on the plane on which he lives, with its own scale of values. Thus, if a person today is afraid, say, of losing the chance of working in his own field, this may be a fear equally strong, and productive of the same reactions, as if'-in another historical context-he had been threatened with the confiscation of his property. Indeed, the technique of existential pressure is, in a sense, more universal. For there is no one in our country who is not, in a broad sense, existentially vulnerable- Everyone has something to lose and so everyone has reason to be afraid. The range of things one can lose is broad, extending from the manifold privileges of the ruling caste and all the special opportunities afforded to the powerful-such as the enjoyment of undisturbed work, advancement and earning power, the ability to work in one's field, access to higher education-down to the mere possibility of living in that limited degree of legal certainty available to other citizens, instead of finding oneself amongst the special class to whom not even those laws which apply to the rest of the public apply, in other words, among the victims of Czechoslovak political apartheid* (南非种族隔离(政策)) .Yes, everyone has something to lose. The humblest workman's mate can be shifted to an even more lowly and worse-paid job. Even he can be cruelly punished for speaking his mind at a meeting or in the pub.
  众所周知的是,一种威胁的相对价值比绝对价值更有效。它并不是某人客观上失去的,而是对他来说,在他的生活水平上,用其自己的天平所衡量的主观价值。因此,如果今天一个人害怕在他的领域里失去工作的机会,就像在其他历史时期内,他害怕其财产被没收一样,其反应同样强烈。实际上,在某种意义上,生存压力的技巧是更为普遍的。在一个更广泛的意义上,我们国家的任何人在本质上都是十分脆弱的。每个人都有东西要失去,因此每个人都有理由担忧。一个人可能失去的东西的范围是广泛的,包括处于统治地位的人享有的各种各样的特权,所有提供给有权有势者的特殊机会,享受诸如宁静的工作、提升和执掌权力,在自己的领域里工作的能力,接受高等教育的机会,以及对其他公民来说都享有的仅仅是基本生活的有限水平,而不是处于某个特殊的阶层之中——对这些人来说,适用于其他人的规则并不适用于他们,即成为捷克斯伐克政治隔离的牺牲品。是的,每个人都有东西要失去。最恭顺的劳动者的同事可能因为在一个会上或酒吧里说出他头脑中所想的而遭到残酷的惩罚。 *(漏译) 

This system of existential pressure, embracing the whole of society and every individual in it, either as a specific everyday threat or as a general contingency, could not, of course, work effectively if it were not backed up-exactly like the former, more brutal forms of pressure-by its natural hinterland in the power structure, namely, by that force which renders it comprehensive, complex, and robust: the ubiquitous, omnipotent state police.  
当然,这种生存压力制度 (它笼罩整个社会,每个人都处于其中,要么作为每天威胁的一个特殊情节,要么作为一种普遍发生的意外事件) ,如果不是得到这种权力结构腹地的支持,即全面地、并且是粗暴地为其效劳的力量——无处不在的,至高无上的国家警察——便不能有效地工作。准确地说,这非常像它的前身,更残酷的压力形式。
For this is the hideous spider whose invisible web runs right through the whole of society; this is the vanishing point where all the lines of fear ultimately intersect; this is the final and irrefutable proof that no citizen can hope to challenge the power of the state. And even if most of the people, most of the time, cannot see this web with their own eyes, nor touch its filaments, even the simplest citizen is well aware of its existence, assumes its silent presence at every moment in every place, and behaves accordingly-behaves, that is, so as to acquit *(conduct  oneself or perform in a specified way)themselves in those hidden eyes and ears. And he knows very well why he must. For the spider can intervene in someone's life without any need to have him in his jaws. There is no need at all actually to be interrogated, charged, brought to trial, or sentenced. For one's superiors are also ensnared in the same web; and at every level where one's fate is decided, there are people collaborating or forced to collaborate with the state police. Thus, the very fact that the state police can intervene in one's life at any time, without his having any chance of resisting, suffices to rob his life of some of its naturalness and authenticity and to turn it into a kind of endless dissimulation.*(dissemble, disguise or conceal one’s feeling ,intention, act, etc.)
  这是那种可怕的蜘蛛,它的看不见的网直接覆盖整个社会;是那种所有恐惧的道路最后消失的尽头;是没有人可能向这个国家的权力挑战的最后的和无可辩驳的证据。虽然对于大多数人,在大多数时间内,都不能用自己的眼睛看到这张网,不能触到它的细丝,但甚至头脑最简单的公民都清楚地意识到它的存在,承受它每时每刻沉默的在场,并采取相应的行为——这些行为是为了在那些看不见的眼睛和耳朵之内的表现自己。他非常知道为什么他必须这样做。因为那种“蜘蛛”可以没有任何必然性而干涉某人的生活,将人置于他的控制之下。实际上根本没有必要被审讯、指控、投入监狱和判刑,因为一个人的上级也被陷害在同一张网里;在每一个级别上的人,其其命运都是被决定的,这里有和国家警察合作者也有被迫合作的人。因此,十分突出的事实是,国家警察可以在任何时候干涉一个人的生活,没有他反抗的任何机会,可以充分地剥夺一个人的生活中本来的和可靠的方面,将其转变为一种没完没了的伪饰。
If it is fear which lies behind people's defensive attempts to preserve what they have, it becomes increasingly apparent that the chief impulses for their aggressive efforts to win what they do not yet possess are selfishness and careerism.
  如果在人们维护他们已有东西的防御性尝试背后是恐惧,那么变得日益明显的是,为赢得他们目前还没有占有的东西的侵略性努力的主要推动力是自私和野心勃勃。
Seldom in recent times, it seems, has a social system offered scope so openly and so brazenly to people willing to support anything as long as it brings them some advantage; to unprincipled and spineless men, prepared to do anything in their craving for power and personal gain; to born lackeys(a servile political follower), ready for any humiliation and willing at all times to sacrifice their neighbors' and their own honor for a chance to ingratiate themselves with (bring oneself into favor)
 those in power.
在近代很少有像这样一个社会制度如此公开和厚脸皮地给这些人提供领域:一旦给他们带来任何好处时便支持任何事情的人;在追逐权力和个人目的中准备做任何事情的没有原则的和没有脊梁骨的人;乐于任何羞辱,随时打算为了一个巴结当权者的机会而牺牲他们的邻居和他们自己的忠诚的钻营的走狗。  

In view of this, it is not surprising that so many public and influential positions are occupied, more than ever before, by notorious careerists, opportunists, charlatans *(a person falsely claiming a special knowledge or skill) , and men of dubious record; in short, by typical collaborators, men, that is, with a special gift for persuading themselves at every turn that their dirty work is a way of rescuing something, or, at least, of preventing still worse men from stepping into their shoes. Nor is it surprising, in these circumstances, that corruption among public employees of all kinds, their willingness openly to accept bribes for anything and allow themselves shamelessly to be swayed by whatever considerations (of?) their private interests and greed dictate, is more widespread than can be recalled during the last decade.
  从这个观点看来,这就不足为奇了。我们社会中有公众影响的位置从未有过地被那些臭名昭著的野心家、机会主义者、骗子、有可疑记录的人,——总之,由典型的合伙勾结者所把持,这些人有一种特殊的才能经常说服自己,他们肮脏的工作是挽救某些事情的一种方式,或者至少,是防止更坏的人接替他们位置的一种方式。这也不足为怪,在这些环境中,腐败存在于所有形式的公务员之中,他们公开地愿意为任何事情接受贿赂,并且允许自己寡廉鲜耻地为考虑他们私人利益和受贪欲支配而摇摆不定,这些东西比近十年来所能想起来的任何时候都更加蔓延开来。
The number of people who sincerely believe everything that the official propaganda says and who selflessly support the government's authority is smaller than it has ever been. But the number of hypocrites rises steadily: up to a point, every citizen is, in fact, forced to be one.
那些忠诚地相信官方广播所说的一切和无私地支持政府权威的人比以前更少。但是伪善者却逐步上升:归结到一点,事实上,每个公民都被迫成为一个伪善者。
This dispiriting situation has, of course, its logical causes. Seldom in recent times has a regime cared so little for the real attitudes of outwardly loyal citizens or for the sincerity of their statements. It is enough to observe that no one, in the course of all those self-criticisms and acts of penance, really cares whether people mean what they say, or are only considering their own advantages. In fact, one can safely say that the second assumption is made more or less automatically, without anything immoral being seen in this. Indeed, the prospect of personal advantage is used as the main argument in obtaining such statements. For the most part no one tries to convince the penitent that he was in error or acted wrongly, but simply that he must repent in order to save himself. At the same time, the benefits he stands to gain are colorfully magnified, while the bitter taste, which will remain after the act of penance, is played down as an illusion. And should some eccentric repent in all sincerity and show it, for example, by refusing the appropriate reward on principle, the regime would, in all probability, treat him with suspicion.
  当然,这种令人沮丧的情形有客观存在的逻辑原因。在近代很少有这样一种制度如此不在乎外表看起来忠诚的公民们的实际态度,不在乎他们言词的诚意。这是足以观察到的,在所有那些自我批评和赎罪行为中,没有人真的在乎人们所说的东西是否意味着什么,或许他们仅仅考虑自己的好处。事实上,人们可以肯定地说,第二种考虑或多或少是无意识地产生的,没有任何不道德的东西在内。实际上,个人好处的展望*(?)常常被用作获得这样的供述的主要根据。通常没有人试图相信忏悔者的罪过和其行为的谬误,很简单他必须悔悟*(?)。同时,他着眼要得到的利益被渲染了,而痛苦的体验,在赎罪的行为之后将保留下来,被缩减成一种幻觉。竟然有些古怪的忏悔者有着全部的忠诚并显示它,通过例如坚持原则、拒绝相应的回报,一般来说这个制度对其持怀疑态度。
In a way, we are all being publicly bribed. If you accept this or that official position at work-not, of course, as a means of serving your colleagues, but of serving the management ,you will be rewarded with such-and-such privileges. If you join the Youth League, you will be given the right and access to such-and-such forms of entertainment. If, as a creative artist, you take part in such-and-such official functions, you will be rewarded with such-and-such genuine creative opportunities. Think what you like in private; as long as you agree in public, refrain from making difficulties, suppress your interest in truth, and silence your conscience, the doors will be wide open to you.
If the principle of outward adaptation is made the keystone to success in society, what sort of human qualities will be encouraged and what sort of people, one may ask, will come to the fore?
 在某一点上,我们都公开地被贿赂。如果你在工作中接受这样或那样官方的位置——当然,不是作为为同胞服务的一种方式,而是为领导服务——你将得到这样那样的好处。如果你入团,你将被授予某种权力和接近这样那样的招待会。作为一个创造的艺术家,如果你参加官方机构,你将得到这样那样的创作机会的回报。想想你在私下的情况,而一旦你和别人取得一致,克制住不要去制造麻烦,压抑你对真实的兴趣,使你的良心保持沉默,大门就会为你敞开。如果外部适应原则成了在社会上取得成功的要旨,你可以想见,什么样的人性素质被激发出来,什么样的人将出现在眼前?
 
Somewhere between the attitude of protecting oneself from the world out of fear, and an aggressive eagerness to conquer the world for one's own benefit, lies a range of feelings which it would be wrong to overlook, because they, too, play a significant role in forming the moral climate of today's "united society": feelings of indifference and everything that goes with them.
   在出于恐惧的自我保护的态度和为了自己的利益急切地征服世界之间,存在着一个往往被错误地忽略的情感领域,它们在组成今天”团结的社会“的道德氛围中也扮演着一个重要的角色:冷漠的情感和它们所伴随着的每一件事情。
It is as though after the shocks of recent history, and the kind of system subsequently established in this country, people had lost all faith in the future, in the possibility of setting public affairs right, in the meaning of a struggle for truth and justice. They shrug off anything that goes beyond their everyday, routine concern for their own livelihood; they seek ways of escape; they succumb to apathy, to indifference toward suprapersonal values and their fellow men, to spiritual passivity and depression.
 And everyone who still tries to resist by, for instance, refusing to adopt the principle of dissimulation as the key to survival, doubting the value of any self-fulFillment purchased at the cost of self-alienation-such a person appears to his ever more indifferent neighbors as an eccentric, a fool, a Don Quixote, and in the end is regarded inevitably with some aversion, like everyone who behaves differently from the rest and in a way which, moreover, threatens to hold up a critical mirror before their eyes. Or, again, those indifferent neighbors may expel such a person from their midst or shun him as required, for appearance' sake while sympathizing with him in secret or in private, hoping to still their conscience by clandestine (surreptitious, secret)approval of someone who acts as they themselves should, but cannot.
好像在现代历史动荡之后,在这个国家最终建立了这个制度之后,人们便失去了对前途、对建立公共事务权利的可能性、对为真理和正义而斗争的意义等全部信任。他们对超出其每天以外的任何事情漠然置之,对自己的日常生活例行公事,他们寻找解脱的途径;他们屈服于冷漠,屈服于对超个人的价值及对他们同胞的漠不关心,屈服于精神上的被动和压抑。并且每一个仍然试图抵抗的人,例如拒绝采取将掩饰的原则作为拯救的钥匙,怀疑以自我异化的代价购得自我满足——这样一个人出现在他的冷漠无情的邻居面前像一个古怪的人,一个大傻瓜,一个堂吉诃德,最终不可避免地受到某种厌恶的对待,像每一个行为方式不同于其他的人一样,更有甚者,他威胁性地在他们面前举起批评的镜子。或者,这些冷漠的邻居将这样一个人从他们中间驱逐出去,按照所要求的那样回避他,同时为了装点门面,暗中以个人的方式同情他,希望通过暗中认可某个其行为方式是他们应该做的而做不到的人来保持他们的良心。
 Paradoxically, though, this indifference has become an active social force. Is it not plain indifference, rather than fear, that brings many to the voting booth, to meetings, to membership in official organizations? Is not the political support enjoyed by the regime to a large degree simply a matter of routine, of habit, of automatism, of laziness behind which lies nothing but total resignation? Participation in political rituals in which no one believes is pointless, but it does ensure a quiet life-and would it be any less pointless not to participate? One would gain nothing, and lose the quiet life in the bargain.
  自相矛盾的是,这种冷漠成了一种积极的社会力量,这不是简单的冷漠,它比恐惧更有力量,它将许多人带到投票站,去开会,成为官方机构的会员。这个制度所享有的政治支持在很大程度上,仅仅是一种例行公事,一种习惯,一种无意识,一种懒惰,在其背后除了放弃什么都没有。参加谁也不相信的政治仪式是乏味的,*(漏译)在交易中一个人不会得到任何东西,但是也许会失去那种平静的生活。  

Most people are loath to spend their days in ceaseless conflict with authority, especially when it can only end in the defeat of the isolated individual. So why not do what is required of you? It costs you nothing, and in time you cease to bother about it. It is not worth a moment's thought.
 大多数人厌恶将他们的时间花在和当权者没完没了的争论上,尤其是这仅仅以被隔离的个人的失败而告终。所以你为什么不去做要求你做的?它不让你花费什么,并且你正好不必为此烦神。这不值得考虑片刻。
Despair leads to apathy, apathy to conformity, conformity to routine performance-which is then quoted as evidence of "mass political involvement" All this goes to make up the contemporary concept of "normal" behavior-a concept which is, in essence, deeply pessimistic. 绝望导致冷漠,冷漠导致顺从,顺从例行公事的表演——它可以作为”群众性政治参与“的引证。所有这些制造”正常“行为的当代概念是一个本质上深深悲观厌世的概念。  

 The more completely one abandons any hope of general reform, any interest in suprapersonal goals and values, or any chance of exercising inftuence in an "outward" direction, the more his energy is diverted in the direction of least resistance, i.e., "inwards:' People today are preoccupied far more with themselves, their families and their homes. It is there that they find rest, there that they can forget the world's folly and freely exercise their creative talents. They fill their homes with all kinds of appliances and pretty things, they try to improve their accommodations, they try to make life pleasant for themselves, building cottages, looking after their cars, taking more interest in food and clothing and domestic comfort. In short, they turn their main attention to the material aspects of their private lives.
一个人越是彻底放弃任何全面转变的希望,放弃任何超越个人的目标和价值,或任何对一种“外在”方面发挥影响的机会,他的能量就转向阻力最小的方面,即“内在”。今天的人们一心一意想着他们的家庭和房子,他们在那儿们找到安息,忘掉世界的愚蠢和自由地体验他们的创造性才华。他们在自己的房子里布满各种用具和可爱的东西,他们试图改善他们的食宿,他们想为了使自己生活变得愉快,修建小别墅,照料自己的小汽车,将更多的兴趣放在食物、穿着和家庭舒适上。简言之,他们将兴趣转向他们私人生活的物质方面。
Clearly, this social orientation produces favorable economic results. It encourages improvements in the neglected fields of consumer goods production and public services. It helps to raise the general living standard. Economically, it is a significant source of dynamic energy, capable, at least partially, of developing society's material wealth, which the inflexible, bureaucratized, and unproductive state sector of the economy could hardly ever hope to accomplish. (It is enough to compare state and private housing construction as to quantity and quality.)  
显然,这种社会倾向产生可观的经济效果。它激发了被忽视的消费品生产和公共服务领域的改善。它帮助提高普遍的生活水平。从经济的眼光来看,它是一种富有意义的推动力的源泉,至少部分地可以发展社会的物质财富,而这是僵硬的、官僚化的、非生产性的国家经济成分几乎不能指望完成的 (只要比较一下国家和私人房子结构的质量和数量便已足够)。  

 
The authorities welcome and support this spillover of energy into the private sphere.
But why? Because it stimulates economic growth? Certainly, that is one reason. But the whole spirit of current political propaganda and practice, quietly but systematically applauding this "inward" orientation as the very essence of human fulfillment on earth, shows only too clearly why the authorities really welcome this transfer of energy- They see it for what it really is in its psychological origins: an escape from the public sphere. Rightly divining that such surplus energy, if directed "outward," must sooner or later turn against them-that is, against the particular forms of power they obstinately cling to-they do not hesitate to represent as human life what is really a desperate substitute for living. In the interest of the smooth management of society, then, society's attention is deliberately diverted from itself, that is, from social concerns. By fixing a person's whole attention on his mere consumer interests, it is hoped to render him incapable of realizing the increasing extent to which he has been spiritually, politically, and morally violated. Reducing him to a simple vessel for the ideals of a primitive consumer society is intended to turn him into pliable *(bending easily ;supple)material for complex manipulation. The danger that he might conceive a longing to fulfill some of the immense and unpredictable potential he has as a human being is to be nipped (pinch,squeeze ,or bite sharply)in the bud by imprisoning him within the wretched range of parts he can play as a consumer, subject to the limitations of a centrally directed market.
  当权者欢迎和支持这种转向私人领域的能量的溢出。但这为什么?因为它刺激了经济的发展?当然,这是一个原因。另一方面,目前政治宣传的全部精神,都在平静而有系统地欢呼这种“内在化”倾向,将此当做世间人性满足最深刻最本质的东西。这非常清楚地表明为什么当权者真的欢迎这种能量的转换。他们在其中看到心理学的意义:从社会领域的一种逃脱。为了正确地将这种剩余能量分流——如果导向“外界”将或早或迟转为反对他们,反对他们顽固依恋的权力的特殊形式——他们毫不犹豫地将实际上是绝望的生活代用品描述成一种人类生活。为了平稳地操纵社会,社会的注意力被故意转向自身,即脱离对社会的关怀。通过将每一个人的注意力集中在他仅仅是消费品的兴趣上,是希望使他没有能力意识到在他精神上、政治上、道德上日益增长的被侵犯的程度。将他缩减成一个初级消费品社会的各种观念的简单容器,是打算将他变成复杂操纵的顺从的材料。他或许抱有一个愿望,希望实现某些作为一个人类成员所拥有的巨大的和前所未有的潜能,这种危险通过将其禁闭在他作为一个消费品发挥作用的可怜领域,臣服于一个中央调控的市场限制而被掐死在污泥中。  
All the evidence suggests that the authorities are applying a method quite adequate for dealing with a creature whose only aim is self-preservation. Seeking the path of least resistance, they completely ignore the price that must be paid the harsh assault on human integrity, the brutal castration(阉割) of man's humanity.  
  所有这些迹象表明,当权者正在运用一种十分适合的方法对付那些其目标是自我保护的人。出于寻找最小的阻力,他们完全忘记了必须付出的代价——对于完善人性的粗暴威胁和对于人的本性的残酷阉割。  

Yet these same authorities obsessively justify themselves with their revolutionary ideology, in which the ideal of man's total liberation has a central place! But what, in fact, has happened to the concept of human personality and its many-sided, harmonious, and authentic growth? Of man liberated from the clutches of an alienating social machinery, from a mythical hierarchy of values, formalized freedoms, from the dictatorship of property, the fetish and the might of money? What has happened to the idea that people should live in full enjoyment of social and legal justice, have a creative share in economic and political power, be elevated in human dignity and become truly themselves? Instead of a free share in economic decision making, free participation in political life, and free intellectual advancement, all people are actually offered a chance freely to choose which washing machine or refrigerator they want to buy.
但是,同样是这些当权者固执地用他们革命的意识形态为自己辩护,其中,人的全部自由的思想有一个中心的地方! 但什么是人的个性,它的多种侧面,协调和真正的成长呢?什么是人从一种异化的社会机器的控制中解放出来,从虚构的价值等级,形式上的自由,从财产的专制及对金钱拜物教和强权中解放出来呢?什么是人们必须充分享有社会和法律的公正,在经济和政治权力中有一个创造性的空间,提高人的尊严及真正成为他们自己呢?取代经济决定的自由空间,政治生活中的自由参与,和精神上自由发展的,是所有人民实际上被提供了一种自由地选择他们要买的那一种洗衣机和电冰箱的自由。  

In the foreground, then, stands the imposing facade of grand humanistic ideals-and behind it crouches the modest family house of a socialist bourgeois. On the one side, bombastic slogans about the unprecedented increase in every sort of freedom and the unique structural variety of life; on the other, unprecedented drabness *(monotony)and the squalor* (the state of being filthy or squalid)of life reduced to a hunt for consumer goods.
 因此,在某个前景中,站立着那个崇高的人类理想欺骗(?)人的外观,而在其背后,蹲伏着一个谦恭的社会主义的资产阶级家庭。一方面,是那些言过其实的标语口号,关于前所未有的各种形式的自由增长和无可比拟的生活结构上的多样化,另一方面,是生活被缩减成前所未有的追逐消费品的单调乏味和卑劣。  

Somewhere at the top of the hierarchy of pressures by which man is maneuvered into becoming an obedient member of a consumer herd, there stands, as I have hinted, a concealed, omnipotent force: the state police. It is no coincidence, I suppose, that this body should so aptly illustrate the gulf that separates the ideological facade from everyday reality. Anyone who has had the bad luck to experience personally the "working style" of that institution must be highly amused at the official explanation of its purpose. Does anyone really believe that that slimy swarm of thousands of petty informers, professional narks, complex-ridden, sly, envious, malevolent petits bourgeois, and bureaucrats, that malodorous *(evil-smelling) agglomeration of treachery, evasion, fraud, gossip, and intrigue "shows the imprint of the working man, guarding the people's government and its revolutionary achievements against its enemies' designs"? For who would be more hostile to a true workers' government-if everything were not upside down than your pedit 6ourgeois, always ready to oblige and sticking at nothing, soothing his arthritic*(关节炎) self-esteem by informing on his fellow citizens, a creature clearly discernible behind the regular procedures of the secret police as the true spiritual author of their "working style"?
  通过这种压力的等级制度,人们被设法变成一种消费品群中的一个顺从成员。在这种制度的顶部,像我已经指出的,存在着一个封闭的、全能的力量:国家警察。这决不是巧合,这个机构如此恰当地说明将意识形态外观从日常现实中分离的鸿沟,任何曾经不幸作为个人经历过这个机构的“工作作风”的人,必将觉得官方对其目的的解释大为有趣。难道真的有人相信这个由上千个卑劣的告密者、专业的侦探、变态心理者、偷偷摸摸、妒忌的和恶意的小资产阶级及官僚组成的卑鄙的一伙?谁相信由这个背叛、逃避、欺骗、流言蜚语和阴谋诡计的恶臭团伙来“体现劳动人民的特征,保卫人民政府和它的革命成果,反对它的敌人的阴谋”?还有谁会比他们这些小资产阶级对一个真正的劳动者的政府——如果每件事不是是非颠倒的话——更有敌意?他们总是准备讨好、巴结和固守虚无(?),通过告发他的同胞来安慰他的病态的自尊,在秘密警察常规程序的背后,这种人作为他们“工作作风”真正精神上的合作者*(译作“作者”即可,何来合作?)可以清楚地看得出来。  

It would be hard to explain this whole grotesque contrast between theory and practice, except as a natural consequence of the real mission of the state police today, which is not to protect the free development of man from any assailants, but to protect the assailants from the threat which any real attempt at man's free development poses.
要想解释这种理论和实践之间全部荒唐的对比是困难的,除非将其作为今天国家警察的真正使命的自然结果,它不是保护人的自由发展免遭任何攻击,而是保护攻击者免受人类自由发展任何尝试的威胁。  

The contrast between the revolutionary teachings about the new man and the new morality, and the shoddy *(1。Trashy, shabby, poorly made.2.counterfeit)concept of life as consumer bliss, raises the question of why the authorities actually cling so tenaciously to their ideology. Clearly, only because their ideology, as a conventionalized system of ritual communications, assures them the appearance of legitimacy, continuity, and consistency, and acts as a screen of prestige for their pragmatic practice.
 在革命的关于新人的道德教育和将生活作为消费者狂喜的以次充好的概念对比中,提出了一个问题,为什么当权者实际上如此固执地迷恋他们的意识形态。显然,只有因为他们的意识形态作为一种仪式化的交流合法系统,才能保证他们的合法性,连续性和坚固性*(?)的表面,并作为他们实用主义实践的威信的一块屏幕而起作用。  

The actual aims of this practice do, of course, leave their traces on the official ideology at every point. From the bowels of that infinite mountain of ideological rhetoric by which the authorities ceaselessly try to sway people's minds, and which as its communication value is nil-the public, for the most part, scarcely notices, there emerges one specific and meaningful message, one realistic piece of advice: "Avoid politics if you can; leave it to us! Just do what we tell you, don't try to have deep thoughts, and don't poke your nose into things that don't concern you! Shut up, do your work, look after yourself-and you'll be all right!"  
   当然,这种实践的实际目的,在每一点上都离开了官方意识形态的轨道*(应译为“处处留下痕迹”,现在这样译,满拧!)。从这个意识形态修辞学的内部——通过这种修辞学,当权者无休止地试图控制人们的头脑,并且其作为交流价值等于零——对大多数人来说,几乎难以觉察地出现了一种特殊的和有意义的信息,一种现实的劝告:“如果你有可能离开政治,让它远离我们!做我们告诉你们的那种事情,不要试图有深刻的思想,不要把你们的鼻子放在不关乎你的事情上! 闭上你的眼,做你自己的工作,关照你自己——这样你将是正确的!”  (这是一句恫吓,意为这样做你就OK啦)

This advice is heeded. That people need to make a living is, after all, the one point on which they can rather easily agree with their government. Why not make good use of it, then? Especially as you have no other choice anyway.
这个劝告被留意到了。归根到底,人们需要活着,这是他们如此容易地和政府保持一致的关键之处。为什么不好好地利用它?特别是当你没有任何其它的选择时。  

Where is the whole situation which I have tried to outline here ultimately leading?
What, in other words, is the effect on people of a system based on fear and apathy, a system that drives everyone into a foxhole *(掩体)of purely material existence and offers him hypocrisy as the main form of communication with society? To what level is a society reduced by a policy where the only aim is superficial order and general obedience, regardless of by what means and at what price they have been gained?  
我在这里试图描述的整个情形最终将导向何方? 换句话来说,一种建立在恐惧和冷漠的基础上的制度,一种将每个人都驱进纯粹物质存在的单人掩体和给予他们伪善作为与社会交流的主要形式,将会对人们产生什么样的影响?将社会缩减成为一种策略,在那里仅仅是为了表面上的秩序和普遍的服从,而无视通过什么样的方式和以什么样的代价,这是什么样水平的社会?*(应为“在何种程度上,到什么地步”,是修饰“reduced”的)  

It needs little imagination to see that such a situation can only lead toward the gradual erosion of all moral standards, the breakdown of all criteria of decency, and the widespread destruction of confidence in the meaning of values such as truth, adherence to principles, sincerity, altruism, dignity, and honor. Amidst a demoralization "in depth," stemming from the loss of hope and the loss of the belief that life has a meaning, life must sink to a biological, vegetable level. It can but confront us once more with that tragic aspect of man's status in modern technological civilization marked by a declining awareness of the absolute, and which I propose to call a "crisis of human identity." For how can the collapse of man's identity be slowed down by a system that so harshly requires a man to be something other than he is?
  无需什么想像力就可以看到这样一种情景仅仅导致了所有道德水平的逐渐腐蚀,所有正派标准的坍塌,对诸如真理、坚持原则、忠诚、利他主义、尊严和荣誉等价值意义的普遍毁灭。在一种深度的道德腐败中——它起源于失去希望和失去生活有一种意义的信念,生活必然陷入一种生物学的、蔬菜的水平。它无非使我们再次面临以绝对意识衰落为标志的现代技术文明中人的状况的那些悲剧方面,我提议称之为“人类个性的危机”。因为怎么可能由这样严厉地要求一个人成为另外的某种东西而不是他自己的制度来减缓人的个性的毁灭?  

Order has been established. At the price of a paralysis of the spirit, a deadening of the heart, and devastation of life. Surface "consolidation" has been achieved. At the price of a spiritual and moral crisis in society.
 秩序已经建立起来,其代价是精神上的麻痹、心灵的麻木、生活的荒芜。表面的“稳定”已经获得了成功。其代价是社会精神和道德危机。  

Unfortunately, the worst feature of this crisis is that it keeps deepening. We only need to raise our sights a little above our limited daily perspective in order to realize with horror how hastily we are all abandoning positions which only yesterday we refused to desert. What social conscience only yesterday regarded as improper is today casually excused; tomorrow it will eventually be thought natural, and the day after be held up as a model of behavior. What yesterday we declared impossible, or at least averred*(?) we would never get accustomed to, today we accept, without astonishment, as a fact of life. And, conversely, things that a little while ago we took for granted we now treat as exceptional: and soon-who knows we might think of them as unattainable chimeras(妄想,奇想).  
  不幸的是,这种危机最坏的方面正在得到深化。我们只要稍微看看我们有限的日常视野便惊骇地意识到我们多么仓促地放弃了那些仅仅是昨天在社会良心看来还是不合适的事情,今天已很少需要为之*(?)辩解,明天将最终视为正常,后天将被视为行为的表率。那些昨天我们还在宣布为不可能的事情,或断言我们永远不会习惯的事情,今天我们没有什么惊讶地接受了,作为生活的事实。同时相反,那些我们一会儿之前还理所当然地认可的东西现在我们将其视作例外;而很快——天知道——我们将认为我们是无法实现的妄想。  

The changes in our assessment of the "natural" and the "normal," the shifts in moral attitudes in our society over the past few years have been greater than they might appear at first glance. As our insensitivity has increased, so naturally has our ability to discern that insensitivity declined.
我们对“自然”的和“正常”的估价的改变,我们社会中道德立场的转变,在不多的几年中比粗粗看一眼要大得多。因为我们的迟钝在增长——自然地我们觉察得出这种迟钝的能力在衰落。
The malady has spread, as it were, from the fruit and the foliage to the trunk and roots. The most serious grounds for alarm, then, are the prospects which the present state of affairs opens up for the future.
歪风已经蔓延,从头至踵遍及全身。由现在这种状况所发展出来的未来前景,是最值得令人忧虑的。  
 
The main route by which society is inwardly enlarged, enriched, and cultivated is that of coming to know itself in ever greater depth, range, and subtlety.
  社会精神的发展、丰富、成熟的主要途径是不断地在更深更广、更敏感的意义实现自我了解。
The main instrument of society's self-knowledge is its culture: culture as a specific field of human activity, influencing the general state of mind-albeit often very indirectly-and at the same time continually subject to its influence.
社会自我了解的主要手段是它的文化:文化作为人类活动的一个特殊领域,影响一般人的头脑——尽管是非直接的——同时不断地受制于它自身的影响。  
 
Where total control over society completely suppresses its differentiated inner development, the first thing to be suppressed regularly is its culture: not just "automatically," as a phenomenon intrinsically opposed to the "spirit" of manipulation, but as a matter of deliberate "programming" inspired by justified anxiety that society be alerted to the extent of its own subjugation through that culture which gives it its self awareness. It is culture that enables a society to enlarge its liberty and to discover truth-so what appeal can it have for the authorities who are basically concerned with suppressing such values? They recognize only one kind of truth: the kind they need at the given moment. And only one kind of liberty: to proclaim* (announce or declare public or official)that "truth."
在全面控制社会、压制不同精神发展的地方,通常首先要压制的事情是它的文化:不仅仅出于“无意识”的,因为文化是一种固有的对抗“精神”操纵的现象,而且作为一种深思熟虑的“方案”,它产生不无道理的忧虑:社会通过给予它自己自我意识的文化,对屈服的程度处于警戒状态。是文化使得社会扩展了它的自由和发现真实。——而对当权者来说,他们仅仅认同一种真理:他们在某个既定的时刻所需要的那种。并且他们仅仅认同一种自由:宣传这种“真理”。
A world where "truth" flourishes not in a dialectic climate of genuine knowledge but in a climate of power interests is a world of mental sterility, petrified* (1.become like stone 2.deprive (the mind ,a doctrine, etc)of vitality) dogmas, rigid and unchangeable creeds leading inevitably to creedless despotism.
 一个世界,“真理”在其中的繁荣不是在一种真诚的求知的气氛中,而是在一种权力的利害关系的气氛中,它是一个精神不育的、原则僵化的、其刻板不变的信条必然导致无信条的专制主义的世界。
This is a world of prohibitions and limitations and of orders, a world where cultural policy means primarily the operations of the cultural police force.
Much has been said and written about the peculiar degree of devastation which our present-day culture has reached: about the hundreds of prohibited books and authors and the dozens of liquidated periodicals; about the carving up of publishers' projects and theatre repertoires and the cutting off of all contact with ihe intellectual community; about the plundering of exhibition halls; about the grotesque range of per secution and discrimination practiced in this field; about the breaking up of all the former artistic associations and countless scholarly institutes and their replacement by dummies run by little gangs of aggressive fanatics, notorious careerists, incorrigible cowards, and incompetent upstarts anxious to seize their opportunity in the general void. Rather than describe all these things again, I will offer some reflections on those deeper aspects of this state of affairs which are germane to the subject of my letter.
 这是一个禁止、限制和秩序的世界,是一个文化政策首先意味着文化警察力量操作的世界。 我们今天的文化所达到特殊的偏离程度,许多事情已经被谈论和写到了:关于成百上千的被禁止的书籍和作家,成批的被肃清的期刊;关于删掉的出版计划和剧场节目及切断所有知识分子团体联络;关于对展览厅的掠夺;关于在这个领域中实行迫害和歧视的荒诞不经的做法;关于解散所有原先的联盟和无数的学术机构及它们被一些傀儡所替代,而这些傀儡由放肆的狂热者、声名狼籍的野心家、不可救药的懦夫们,在普遍的空虚感中急切地抓住机会的不够格的暴发户所操纵。与其再一遍描述所有这些事情,我宁愿思考与我的这封信的主题更密切的事态更深刻的方面。  


In the first place, however bad the present situation, it still does not mean that culture has ceased to exist altogether. Plays are put on, television programs go out every day, and even books get published. But this overt and legal cultural activity, taken as a whole, exhibits one basic feature: an overall externalization due to its being estranged in large measure from its proper substance through its total emasculation as an instrument of human, and, therefore of social, self-awareness. And whenever something of incontestably excellent value does appear-a superb dramatic performance, let us say, to stay in the sphere of art-then it appears, rather, as a phenomenon to be tolerated because of its subtlety and refinement, and hence, from an official point of view, its relative innocuousness *(1.not injurious,harmless,2.inoffensive) as a contribution to social self-awareness. Yet even here, no sooner does that contribution begin to be at all keenly perceived than the authorities start instinctively to defend themselves: there are familiar instances where a good actor was banned, by and large, simply for being too good.
首先,不管目前的情况有多糟,并不意味着文化已经全部不存在。戏剧正在上演,电视节目每日播放,甚至书籍在出版。但是,这种公开和合法的文化活动,总的来说,展示了一个基本的特征:作为人的因而也是社会的自我意识的手段总体被阉割,在很大程度上它疏远了其正当的本质,而成为一种彻头彻尾的表面化。并且当某种无可争辩的优秀作品出现,如一种杰出的戏剧表演出现在艺术领域中,毋宁说它是因其精致和精练,从官方的观点看来,仅仅作为对社会自我意识的贡献相对无关痛痒而被宽容的现象。而一旦这种贡献被敏锐地看出来,当权者本能地开始保卫他们自己:有许多这样的例子,一个好的演员被禁止,主要地是因其太好了。  


But that is not what concerns me at this point. What interests me is how this externalization works in fields where it is possible to describe the human experience of the world far more explicitly and where the function of promoting social self-awareness is, thus, far more manifestly fulfilled. 但是这一点还不是我所关心的,令我感兴趣的是,这种表面化的作品是怎样的情况,——在本来是可以更明晰地描绘这个世界人类经验的领域,本来是可以促进社会自我意识的功能更清晰地实现的领域。  

For example, suppose a literary work, a play perhaps, um deniably skillful, suggestive, ingenious, meaningful, is published (it does happen from time to time). Whatever the other qualities of the work may be, of one thing we may always be perfectly certain: whether through censorship or selfcensorship, because of the writer's character or his selfdeception, as a consequence of resignation or of calculation, it will never stray one inch beyond the taboos of a banal, conventional and, hence, basically fraudulent social consciousness that offers and accepts as genuine experience the mere appearance of experience-a concatenation of smooth, hackneyed, *((of a phrase etc)made commonplace or trite by overuse) superficial trivia of experience; that is, pallid reflections of such aspects of experience as the social consciousness has long since adopted and domesticated. Despite, or rather, because of this fact, there will always be people who find such a work entertaining, exciting, and interesting, although it sheds no light, offers no flash of real knowledge in the sense that it reveals something unknown, expresses something unsaid, or provides new, spontaneous, and effective evidence of things hitherto only guessed at. In short, by imitating the real world, such a work in fact, falsifies the real world. As regards the actual forms this externalization takes, it is no accident that the vat*(染缸) most frequently tapped should be the one which, thanks to its proven harmlessness, enjoys the warmest approval of the authorities in our country, whether bourgeois or proletarian. I refer to the aesthetics of banality, safely housed within the four walls of genial petit bourgeois morality; the sentimental philosophy of kitchen-sink, country-bumpkin *(a rustic or socially inept person)earthiness* (somewhat coarse or crude, unrefined) , and the provincial conception of the world based on the belief in its general goodness. I refer to the aesthetic doctrine whose keystone is the cult of right-thinking mediocrity, bedded in hoary (1.(of hair )grey or white with age.2.old and trite)national selfsatisfaction, guided by the principle that everything must be slick,*(superficially or pretentiously smooth and dexterous) trivial, and predigested, and culminating in that false optimism which puts the basest interpretation on the dictum that "truth will prevail."
  例如,设想一部文学作品,也许是一部戏剧,无疑也有技巧,能引起联想,精巧和有思想,它出版了(这是经常发生的)。不管这部作品其他方面如何,有一件事情我们是可以肯定的:它是否能通过审查制度或自我审查,因为那位作家的性格或他的自我欺骗,作为屈从或算计的结果,将不会使人离开平庸、惯例和禁忌一步,因而提供和接受的主要是欺骗的社会意识,它作为真正的经验仅仅是其表面——一种光滑的、陈腐的、表面琐细的经验的组合;它只是苍白地反映了早就被采用和驯化了的那方面的经验。事实上,尽管总是有人发现这样一部有趣的、令人兴奋的和有意思的作品*(?),即使它并不闪光,并不提供真正的知识,没有透露出某些尚未被了解的事情,表达未曾被说过的那些事情,或为一种目前为止仅仅是猜测的东西提供某些新的、有效的证据。简单地说,由于模仿真实的世界,这样一部作品事实上失去了真实的世界。至于这种表面性的东西所采取的形式,*(漏译)由于其被证实的无害性,得到我们国家当权者最热烈的赞同,不管是资产阶级还是无产阶级。我所涉及的是这样一种美学——平庸的,安全地居住在小资产阶级道德的四堵墙内,对于琐屑无聊的东西感伤的哲学,乡巴佬的粗陋,建立在普遍的善的信仰之上的对于世界的偏狭概念。我所涉及到的是这种美学教条,其关键是对于平庸的正确思想的崇拜,根植于久远的民族的自我满足,并且受这种原则的指导——每一件事情必须平滑,平凡,简化, 乃至达到一种虚假的乐观主义,它建立在这种格言最低级的转述上:“真理将要流行。”  
Of works designed to give literary expression to the government's political ideology, there is today-as you must be aware-an extreme scarcity, and those few are clearly, by professional standards, bad ones. This is not merely because there is no one to write them, but also, I am sure, paradoxical as it may appear, because they would not be particularly welcome. For, from the standpoint of actual contemporary attitudes (those of the consumer society, that is), even if such works were available, were professionally competent, and attracted somebody's interest, they would divert too much attention "outwards," rub salt into too many old wounds, provoke through their general and radical political character-too much general and radical political reaction, thus stirring up too many pools that are meant to be left as stagnant as possible. Far more suitable to the real interests of the authorities today is what I have called the aesthetics of banality, which misses the truth much more inconspicuously, acceptably, and plausibly, and (since it is far more digestible for the conventional mind) is far more suited to the role accorded to culture in the consumer philosophy: not to excite people with the truth, but to reassure them with lies.  
至于被要求用来文学地反映出政治意识形态的作品,在今天,——如您所看到的,存在着一种极度的萧条,只有很少的一些,用专业的水平来看,显然非常糟。这不仅因为没有人去写它们,我相信也是因为——悖论恰好出现——它们将特别不受欢迎。因为,从务实的当代观点来看(商品社会的观点),即使这样的作品是实用的,专业上是说得过去的,吸引了部分人的兴趣,它们也将过多地转移“外在的”注意力,给太多的老伤口撒盐,——通过它们普遍的激进的政治特点——唤起太多的普遍的和激进的政治反感,因而搅动了太多的尽可能停滞不动而被遗忘的小水坑。今天对当权者真正的兴趣最适合的是我称之为平庸的美学,它十分难以察觉地、可以被接受地和花言巧语地错过了真实(因为它对于惯性的头脑来说太可以消化),并且非常适合在商品哲学中文化所扮演的角色:不是用真实激发他们,而是用谎言令其放心。  
This kind of artistic output, of course, has always predominated. But in our country, there had always been some chinks * (a narrow opening, a slit)at least through which works of art that could truthfully be said to convey a more genuine kind of human self-wareness reached the public. The road for such works was never particularly smooth. They met resistance not only from the authorities, but from the easygoing inertia of conventional attitudes as well. Yet until recently they had always managed in some mysterious way, by devious  *(winding,circuitous)paths and seldom without delay, to get through to the individual and to society, and so to fulfill the role of culture as the agent of social self-awareness.  当然,这种美学的产量,总是突出的。而是在我们国家,也总是存在着一些裂缝,至少通过它们,艺术作品可以真正地被说成将一种更真诚的人类自我意识传给社会。这种作品的途径当然是特别不平坦。它们不仅遇到来自当权者的抵制,而且也来自轻松舒适的立场的抵制。但是,直到现在它们总是以某种隐蔽的方式进行,通过迂回的途径和几乎没有耽搁,到达个人和社会,因而完成作为社会自我意识代理人的文化的角色。  < div>
This is all that really matters. This is precisely what I take to be really important. And it is also precisely this that the present government-arguably for the first time since the age of our national revival-has managed to render almost completely impossible, so total is the present system of bureaucratic control of culture, so perfect the surveillance of every chink through which some major work might see the light of day, so greatly does that little band of men, who hold the keys to every door in their own pockets, fear the government and fear art.
  这是全部真实的事情。*(应译为这是真正起作用的)视为真正重要的。它所取得的成就,可以说是自我们民族独立以来无可比拟的,这也正是现在的政府令其消声匿迹的原因。官僚主义的文化控制是如此彻底,对每一个较重要的作品得以问世的裂缝的监视是如此完备,那些掌管着每一个门的钥匙,害怕艺术的一小撮人是如此了不起。*(乱译一气,逻辑关系没明白)
You will, of course, appreciate that I am speaking at this moment not of the indexes, listing the names of all creative artists subject to a total or partial ban, but of a much worse list-of that "blank index" which includes, a priori, everything which might contain the spark of a slightly original thought, a perceptive insight, deeper sincerity, an unusual idea, or a suggestive form; I am speaking of that open warrant for the arrest of anything inwardly free and, therefore, in the deepest sense "cultural," I am speaking of the warrant against culture issued  by  your government.
当然,您将明白我此时正在谈论的不是那种索引,不是列举出屈服于整体或部分禁令的所有有创造力的艺术家的名字,然而是一个更坏的目录——是“空白的索引”,其中理所当然地包括每一件有着最细微的原创性的思想火花、有远见的洞察、更深的诚挚、非同寻常的观念,或者富有启发性的形式;我说的是对于任何精神公开的拘捕,因此,在“文化”最深的意义上,我正在说的是由你的政府发布的对于文化的拘捕令。
 
Once more the question which I have been posing from the start arises. What does it all really mean? Where is it leading? What is it going to do to society?
 再次回到我开始提出的问题上来。所有这些实际上意味着什么?它将导向何方?它将对社会做什么?
 
Once more, I take a particular case. Most of the former cultural periodicals, as we know, have ceased to appear in our country. If any have survived, they have been so made to conform to official policy that they are hardly worth taking seriously.
我再次提出一个特殊的例子。大多数原先的文化期刊,如我们所知,在我们国家已不再出版。如果有谁幸存的话,它们已经如此弄成符合官方的文化政策,几乎不值得认真对待。
What has been the effect of that?
At first glance, practically none. The wheels of society continue to go round even without all those literary, artistic, theatrical, philosophical, historical, and other magazines whose number, even while they existed, may never have filled the latent needs of society, but which nevertheless were around and played their part. How many people today still miss those publications? Only the few tens of thousands of people who subscribed to them-a very small fraction of society.
这件事的影响如何?乍一看上去,几乎没有什么影响;甚至没有这些文学的、艺术的、戏剧的、哲学的、历史的和其他杂志,社会的车轮将继续运行;而这些期刊,当它们存在时,也从来没有满足社会潜在的需要,然而它们存在并起着它们的作用。今天还有多少人仍然怀念这些出版物?仅仅很少的几万人订阅它们——社会中很少一部分。
Yet this loss is infinitely deeper and more significant than might appear from the numbers involved. Its real implications are again, of course, hidden, and can hardly be assessed precisely.
但是,这种消失比看上去所涉及的人数有着更深,更广的寓意。当然,它的真实含义又一次被隐藏,几乎不可能被准确地估价。 
 
The forcible liquidation of such a journal-a theoretical review concerned with the theatre, say-is not just an impoverishment of its particular readers. It is not even merely a severe blow to theatrical culture. It is simultaneously, and above all, the liquidation of a particular organ through which society becomes aware of itself and hence it is an interference, hard to describe in exact terms, in the complex system of circulation, exchange, and conversion of nutrients that maintain life in that many layered organism which is society today. It is a blow against the natural dynamic of the processes going on within that organism; a disturbance of the balanced interplay of all its many functions, an interplay reflecting the level of complexity reached by society's anatomy*(structure). And just as the chronic deficiency of a vitamin (amounting in quantitative terms only to a negligible fraction of the human diet) can make a person ill, so, in the long run, the loss of a single periodical can cause the social organism far more damage than would appear at first sight. And what if the loss involves not just one periodical, but virtually all?
这样一种杂志强迫性的取消——譬如说,一个有关剧场的理论性评论刊物——并不仅仅是它的特定的读者的衰竭。甚至不仅仅是对戏剧文化的严厉打击,它同时并从根本上,是对于一个特殊器官的取消,——通过它,社会能够意识到它自身,因此在由多种营养(这种营养将生活维持在今天社会多层次有机体的水平之上)的循环、交换和转换的复杂转化中,这是一种难以准确地描述的干涉。这是对有机体内部进行的动力过程的一种打击,对所有它的许多功能平衡地相互作用的一种干扰。*(漏译)正像长期缺少一种维生素(在数量上仅仅是人类食物中可以忽视的一小部分)可能使一个人生病,从长远的观点来看,失去这个刊物对社会有机体影响远甚于粗粗的一瞥。而如果失去不只是一本期刊,而是全部? 
It is easy to show that the real importance of knowledge, thought, and creation is not limited, in the stratified world of a civilized society, to the significance these things have for the particular circle of people who are primarily, directly and, as it were, physically involved with them, either actively or passively. This is always a small group, especially in the sciences. Yet the knowledge in question, conveyed through however many intermediaries, may in the end profoundly affect the whole society, just as politics, including the nuclear threat, physically concerns each one of us, even though most of us have had no experience of the speculations in theoretical physics which led to the manufacture of the atom bomb. That the same holds for nonspecific knowledge is shown by many historic instances of an unprecedented cultural, political, and moral upsurge throughout society, where the original nucleus of crystallization, the catalyst, was an act of social self-awareness carried out, and indeed directly and "physically" perceived, only by a small and exclusive circle. Even subsequently, that act may have remained outside the apperception of society at large, yet it was still an indispensable condition of its upsurge. For we never know when some inconspicuous spark of knowledge, struck within range of the few brain cells, as it were, specially adapted for the organism's self awareness, may suddenly light up the road for the whole of society, without society ever realizing, perhaps, how it came to see the road. But that is far from being the whole story. For even those other countless flashes of knowledge which never illuminate the path ahead for society as a whole have their deep social importance, if only through the mere fact that they happened; that they might have cast light; that in their very occurrence they fulfilled a certain range of society's potentialities-either its creative powers, or simply its liberties; they, too, help to make and maintain a climate of civilization without which none of the more illuminating flashes could ever occur.
    在一个文明的社会有层次的世界中,很容易说明知识、思想、创造的真正重要性并不限于它们为一个特殊的小圈子的人们所拥有,这些人首先地、直接地、几乎是全身心地投入其中,不管是被动的,还是主动的。总是有一个小圈子,尤其是在科学领域。但是正在被谈论的这种知识,通过不论多少中介和转换,最终可以深刻地影响社会,正像政治包括核威胁,直接地涉及到我们每一个人一样,尽管我们中的大多数人对导致原子弹制造的理论物理学没有任何思考的经验。同样的情况也在非专业的知识内,它们出现在许多历史场合,一种贯穿社会的前所未有的文化的、政治的、道德的发展,作为实现社会自我意识的一次行动,其最初的凝结和酝酿实际上仅仅由一个很小的和独立的圈子直接地和清晰地观察到。甚至接下来,这种行动继续存在于一般说来社会的知觉之外,但它仍然是高涨的必不可少的条件。因为我们从来不知道什么时候一些难以察觉的知识火花从少数人的脑细胞中擦出,这些人的头脑仿佛特别适合那个有机体的自我意识,这闪光将突然照亮整个社会的道路,社会甚至没有意识到它是怎样到来的。但是这还不是事情的全部。因为甚至那些其他的无数知识的闪光,它们从来没有在社会前头照亮其道路,从整体上看也有其深刻的社会重要性,仅仅通过它们发生这个事实,它们或许已经投射光芒,在它们特殊的闪现中。它们实现了社会潜能的一个特定的领域——不仅是它的创造力量,或简单地说就是它的自由;它们也帮助和维护了一种文明的气氛。没有这种气氛,便没有更亮的闪光的东西出现。
 
In short, the space within which spiritual self-awareness operates is indivisible; the cutting of a single thread must injure the coherence of the whole network, and this itself showed the remarkable interdependence of all those fine processes in the social organism that I spoke of, the transcendent *(excelling,surpassing)importance of each one of them, and hence the transcendent destructiveness wrought by its disruption. 简单地说,精神的自我意识在其中运行的空间是不可分割的,对每一根线的切断必然伤害这整个网的一致性,这张网自身显示了我所说的这个社会有机体内所有这些细微过程特殊的相互依存,显示了它们其中每一个卓越的重要性,因此它的分裂便会造成超常的毁灭。
 
I would not wish to reduce everything to this single and still relatively minor aspect of the problem. Still, does it not in itself confirm the deeply injurious influence on the general spiritual and moral state of society which the "warrant against culture" already has and will have in future, even though its immediate impact is only on a limited number of heads?
我并不想把每一件事减缩成这个单个的和相对来说是较小的方面。然而不正是已经有的和将要有的对“文化的拘捕令”进一步证实了对社会普遍的精神和道德所产生的深深的有害的影响?而尽管它的突然冲击仅仅对一些有限的头脑产生影响? 
 
If not a single new Czech novel, of which one could safely say that it enlarges our experience of the world, has appeared in recent years in the bookshops, this will certainly have no public effect. Readers are not going to demonstrate in the streets and, in the end, you can always find something to read. But who will dare assess the real significance of this fact for Czech society? Who knows how the gap will affect the spiritual and moral climate of the years to come? How far will it weaken our ability to know ourselves? How deeply will such an absence of cultural self-knowledge brand those whose selfknowing begins only today or tomorrow? What mounds*(?) of mystification, slowly forming in the general cultural consciousness, will need to be chipped away? How far back will one need to go? Who can tell which people will still find the strength to light new fires of truth, when, how, and from what resources, once there has been such thorough wastage not only of the fuel, but of the very feeling that it can be done?
如果没有一本新的捷克小说,没有一本可以肯定地说扩展了我们对世界经验的小说出现在最近几年的书店里,这将肯定不会有明显的社会影响。读者不会去上街游行,并且最终你总是可以找到什么来阅读。但是,谁敢估价这个事实对捷克社会的真正的意义?谁知道在以后的几年内,这种中断将怎样影响精神和道德的氛围?它将怎样削弱我们了解自身的能力?对其自我了解仅仅从今天或明天开始的人们来说,这样一种文化的自我了解的缺席将会产生多深的烙印?有多少晦涩玄惑的东西,在一般文化的意义上慢慢地形成的,将要怎样加以清理?一个人将要回头走多远?因为曾经存在过这样彻底的浪费,不只是浪费原料,而且是可以这样做的那种感情,谁能说何人将仍然有力量发现点燃真理的新的火花?什么时候?如何存在?从什么样的来源之中? 
A few novels of the kind absent from the bookshops do nevertheless exist: they circulate in manuscript. In this respect, the situation is not yet hopeless: it follows from everything I have said that if such a novel, over the years, remained unknown to all but twenty people, the fact of its existence would still be important. It means something that there is such a book, that it could be written at all, that it is alive in at least one tiny area of the cultural consciousness. But what about the fields in which it is impossible to work, except through the so-called legal channels? How can one estimate the damage already done, and still to be done, by the strangling(squeeze the windpipe or neck of ,esp. so as to kill) of every interesting development in the stage and cinema, whose role as social stimuli is so specific? How much greater still may be the long-term effect of the vacuum in the humanities and in the theory and practice of the social sciences? Who dares measure the consequences of the violent interruption of the long processes of self-knowledge in ontology, ethics, and historiography, dependent as they are on access to the normal circulation of information, ideas, discoveries, and values, the public crystallization of attitudes?
 然而,这样一些小说仍然存在:它们以手稿的方式流传。从这个方向看,情况并不那么悲观:根据我在上面说的推论,这样一本小说,若干年后,仍然不为人所知,而只有20个人知道它,它存在的事实仍然是重要的。它意味着这儿有这样一本书,意味着它最终能被写出来,意味着它至少在一个很小的文化意识范围内存在。但是,那些除了通过所谓合法渠道便不能运作的领域呢?压制在舞台上和电影院的每一种有意思的发展,它们作为社会刺激因素的作用是这样特殊,谁能估价已经做的和正在做的这种危险?在人文学科和社会科学的理论和实践方面长时间真空的影响会有多大?谁敢测量对本体论、伦理学和编年史中自我了解的长过程的粗暴干涉其结果怎样?而不是相信它们,将它们当作实现信息、观点、发现、价值和可见的社会倾向正常循环的途径? 
 
 
  评论这张
 
阅读(387)| 评论(0)

历史上的今天

评论

<#--最新日志,群博日志--> <#--推荐日志--> <#--引用记录--> <#--博主推荐--> <#--随机阅读--> <#--首页推荐--> <#--历史上的今天--> <#--被推荐日志--> <#--上一篇,下一篇--> <#-- 热度 --> <#-- 网易新闻广告 --> <#--右边模块结构--> <#--评论模块结构--> <#--引用模块结构--> <#--博主发起的投票-->
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

页脚

网易公司版权所有 ©1997-2018