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富贵而名摩灭不可胜记,唯俶傥非常之人生焉

世有大勇者,猝然临之而不惊,无故加之而不怒,此其所挟持者甚大,而其志甚远也

 
 
 

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谢谢老师的表扬!能得到英语老师的肯定,我学习劲头更足了.  

2011-11-03 19:00:27|  分类: 他科之璞可以攻玉 |  标签: |举报 |字号 订阅

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The overall question, then, is this: What profound intellectual and moral impotence will the nation suffer tomorrow, following the castration of its culture today?
  因此,总的问题是:在今天这种文化阉割之后,明天这个民族将忍受多么深刻的智力上的和道德上的软弱无能? 
I fear that the baneful *(bane: the cause of ruin or trouble;the curse)effects on society will outlast by many years the particular political interests that gave rise to them. So much more guilty, in the eyes of history, are those who have sacrificed the country's spiritual future for the sake of their present power interests.
我担心这种由特殊利益造成的对于社会的有害影响将延续好多年,因此,从历史的眼光来看,那些出于他们眼前的权力利益牺牲这个国家精神上前途的人更加有罪。
Just as the constant increase of entropy 熵is the basic law of the universe, so it is the basic law of life to be ever more highly structured and to struggle against entropy.
  正像熵的不断增长是宇宙的基本规律一样,建立更高的结构和与熵进行斗争是生活的基本规律。
Life rebels against all uniformity and leveling; its aim is not sameness, but variety, the restlessness of transcendence, the adventure of novelty and rebellion against the status quo. An essential condition for its enhancement is the secret constantly made manifest.
生活反抗所有整齐划一与平均标准;它的目标不是弄成一模一样,而是多样化,永不满足的超越,对于新奇的冒险和反抗现状。提高生活质量的基本条件是使其隐蔽的秘密不断明朗化。 
On the other hand, the essence of authority (whose aim is reduced to protecting its own permanence by forcibly imposing the uniformity of perpetual consent) consists basically in a distrust of all variety, uniqueness, and transcendence; in an aversion to everything unknown, impalpable, and currently obscure; in a proclivity for the uniform, the identical, and the inert; in deep affection for the status quo. In it, the mechanical spirit prevails over the vital. The order it strives for is no frank quest for ever higher forms of social self-organization, equivalent to its evolving complexity of structure, but, on the contrary, a decline toward that "state of maximum probability" representing the climax of entropy. Following the direction of entropy, it goes against the direction of life.  
  而另一方面,权威的本质 (它的目标被减缩成通过强迫性的强加和无休止赞同的整齐划一来保护自己的永久性) 主要表现为对所有多样化、独特性和超越的不信任;存在于一种对所有未知的、摸不着的和通常是含糊的事物的厌恶;存在于对千人一面、一致性和惰性的癖好;存在于对现状深深的眷恋,在其中,呆板的精神胜过生命。它所力求的秩序不是真诚地追求社会自我组织的最高形式,以及与发展中的复杂结构相适应,而是与其相反,是一种朝向代表熵的顶峰的“最大可能性状态”的衰退。追随熵的方向,它走向反对生活的方向。 
In a person's life, as we know, there is a moment when the complexity of structure begins suddenly to decline and his path turns in the direction of entropy. This is the moment when he, too, succumbs to the general law of the universe: the moment of death.
在个人的生活中,如我们知道的那种,总有这样的时刻,复杂的结构突然开始下倾,而他的道路转向熵的方向。这时他也屈服于宇宙的普遍规律:死亡的瞬间。
Somewhere at the bottom of every political authority which has chosen the path to entropy (and would like to treat the individual as a computer into which any program can be fed with the assurance that he will carry it out), there lies hidden the death principle. There is an odor of death even in the notion of "order" which such an authority puts into practice and which sees every manifestation of genuine life, every exceptional deed, individual expression, thought, every unusual idea or wish, as a red light signaling confusion, chaos, and anarchy.
在每一个选择通往熵的道路的政治权威 (并且总是喜欢将个人视作可以输入任何程序并确信他将要去完成的电脑) 的底部,存在着这种隐蔽的死亡原则。甚至在“秩序”这个概念中便存在着一种死亡的气味,这样一种权威将每一种真正的生活现象,每一个意外的行动、个人的表达、思想、每个不同寻常的概念和希望,都视作打上了混乱、嘈杂和无政府状态标志的红灯。
 
The entire political practice of the present regime, as I have tried to outline it here step by step, confirms that those concepts which were always crucial for its program-order, calm, consolidation, "guiding the nation out of its crisis," "halting disruption," "assuaging hot tempers" and so on-have finally acquired the same lethal(causing or sufficient to cause death)meaning that they have for every regime committed to entropy.   
  这种现存制度的全部政治实践,像我在这里逐步描绘的,进一步证实了对它的纲领来说总是关键性的概念——秩序、安定、稳固,“带领民族走出危机”“停止分裂”“缓和激烈的情绪”等等——最终得到每一个提交*(这种译法殊为怪异,可译为“委身”)给熵的制度所具有的同样致命的意义。
True enough, order prevails: a bureaucratic order of gray monotony that stifles all individuality; of mechanical precision that suppresses everything of unique quality; of musty*(mouldy,发霉的,霉臭的)inertia that excludes the transcendent. What prevails is order without life. True enough, the country is calm. Calm as a morgue*(mortuary,停尸房) or a grave, would you not say?
足够真实的是,秩序正在实施:一种官僚主义秩序,它机械的准确性压抑每一个有独特性的事物,它发霉的惯性排斥超常的、出类拔萃的东西。正在实施的是没有生命的秩序。足够真实的是,这个国家是安定的。你不想说安定得像一所陈尸所或一座坟墓? 
 
In a society which is really alive, something is always happen ing. The interplay of current activities and events, of overt and concealed movement, produces a constant succession of unique situations which provoke further and fresh movement. The mysterious, vital polarity of the continuous and the changing, the regular and the random, the foreseen and the unexpected, has its effect in the time dimension and is borne out in the flow of events. The more highly structured the life of a society, the more highly structured its time dimension, and the more prominent the element of uniqueness and unrepeatability within the time flow. This, in turn, of course, makes it easier to reflect its sequential character, to represent it, that is, as an irreversible stream of noninterchangeable situations, and so, in retrospect, to understand better whatever is governed by regular laws in society. The richer the life society lives, then, the better it perceives the dimension of social time, the dimension of history.
在一个真正有活力的社会中,总是有某些事情发生。当前的活动和事件、公开的和隐蔽的运动之间的互相作用,产生出一种独特局面自身的不断进展,它激发出更多的和更新运动。那些持续的和变化中的、有规则和没有规则的、能预见到和出乎意料的生命取向其神秘而富有活力,在时间的领域产生影响并在事件之流中得到证明。一个社会的生活越具有结构,她的时间领域也越具有结构,在时间之流中那些独一无二的、不可重复的因素也越突出。这就很容易显出其连续不断的特点,将其作为一种不可更换的情状、无可逆转的潮流加以描述,因此,在回顾中,也能更好地理解社会由通常规律支配的那些内容。社会生活越丰富,也越能够更好地观察社会时间领域、历史的领域。 
 
In other words, wherever there is room for social activity, room is created for a social memory as well. Any society that is alive is a society with a history.
  换句话说,在存在社会活动空间的地方,也同时为一种社会记忆提供了空间。任何一个活着的社会是一个有历史的社会。
If the element of continuity and causality is so vitally linked in history with the element of unrepeatabidity and unpredicb ability, we may well ask how true history-that inextinguishable source of "chaos," fountainhead of unrest, and slap in the face to law and order-can ever exist in a world ruled by an "entropic" regime.
如果持续的和偶然的因素与有着不可重复和不可预见因素的历史紧紧地联系着,我们或许更能够询问,真实的历史——那“混乱”的不可遏止的根源、骚动不安的源泉和给予规律、秩序一记耳光的东西——怎么可能存在于“熵“的制度所统治的世界上? 
 
The answer is plain: it cannot. And, indeed, it does not on the surface, anyway. Under such a regime, the elimination of life in the proper sense brings social time to a halt, so that history disappears from its purview.*(the range of physical or mental vision)
  回答是显而易见的:不可能。在表面上,在任何地方,它实际上都不可能存在。在这样一种制度下,对本来意义上的生活加以排斥带来了社会时间的止步,因此历史从这个视野中消失了。 
In our own country, too, one has the impression that for some time there has been no history. Slowly but surely, we are losing the sense of time. We begin to forget what happened when, what came earlier and what later, and the feeling that it really does not matter overwhelms us. As uniqueness disappears from the flow of events, so does continuity; everything merges into the single gray image of one and the same cycle and we say, "There is nothing happening-" Here, too, a deadly order has been imposed: all activity is completely organized and so completely deadened. The deadening of the sense of unfolding time in society inevitably kills it in private life as well. No longer backed by social history or the history of the individual within it, private life declines to a prehistoric level where time derives its only rhythm from such events as birth, marriage, and death.  
  在我们自己的国家人们有这样的印象,有时这儿不存在历史。缓慢地但是确实地,我们失去了时间的感觉。我们开始忘掉了什么时候发生了什么,什么在前什么在后,并感到这没有什么关系。当独一无二性从事件之流中消失,延续性也随之消失,所有的事情合并成一个灰色的印象和同样的循环,我们说:“这儿没有事情发生”。这儿,始终被强加了死亡般的秩序:所有的活动完全被组织起来因此彻底失去光泽。在社会领域中同样如此。*(漏译了好几句)由于不再倚助社会历史和个人有其中生活的历史,个人生活倾斜到一个前历史的水平,在那里,时间仅仅从诸如出生、结婚和死亡中取得它的节奏。 
The loss of the sense of social time seems, in every way, to cast society back into the primeval state where, for thousands of years, humanity could get no further in measuring it than by the cosmic and climatic pattern of endlessly repeated annual seasons and the religious rites associated with them.  
  失去时间的感觉像是以每一种方式将社会抛回到原始状态,在那几千年内,衡量人性的发展不超出没完没了重复的四季及与它们联系在一起的宗教仪式这样一些宇宙和气候的式样。
 
The gap left by the disquieting dimension of history has, naturally, to be filled. So the disorder of real history is replaced by the orderliness of pseudo-history, whose author is not the life of society, but an official planner. Instead of events, we are offered nonevents; we live from anniversary to anniversary, from celebration to celebration, from parade to parade, from a unanimous congress to unanimous elections and back again; from a Press Day to an Artillery Day, and vice versa. It is no coincidence that, thanks to this substitution for history, we are able to review everything that is happening in society, past and future, by simply glancing at the calendar. And the notoriously Familiar character of the recurrent rituals makes such information quite as adequate as if we had been present at the events themselves.
在历史领域中造成的焦虑不安自然地被填补了。因此真正历史的非秩序化被有条不紊的伪历史所取代,它的作者不是社会生活,而是一个官方的设计者。取代事件的是,我们被弄得没有事件;我们生活在从周年纪念到周年纪念、从庆祝到庆祝、从游行到游行、从全体一致同意到全体一致选举及再来一遍;从一个无聊的节日到另一个无聊的节日之中*(漏译)。这不是偶然的,由于这种对历史的取代,我们可以通过对日历的简单一瞥来回顾在社会领域中发生的每一件事,包括过去的和未来的*(时态没搞清,作者强调过现在,也兼及过去与将来)。并且周期性的仪式声名狼藉的相似特点制造了这样一种虚假的信息,仿佛我们正好出现在这些事件本身之中。 
 
What we have, then, is perfect order-but at the cost of reverting to prehistory. Even so, we must enter a caveat: whereas for our ancestors the repeated rituals always had a deep existential *(将这个重要的词漏译了)meaning, for us they are merely a routine performed for its own sake. The government keeps them going to maintain the impression that history is moving. The public goes through the motions to keep out of trouble.
因此,我们拥有了一个完备的秩序,但是付出了回到前历史的代价。即使这样,我们必须引进一个说明:对我们的祖先来说,重复的仪式总有一个深层的含义,而对我们,我们仅仅是为我们自身利益*(即使不明白“for its own sake”这个常用短语,也该看明白是its而不是our)所表演的一套例行公事。政府保留它们*(应译为“使”)是为了保持历史还在运行的印象。公众通过这些活动避开麻烦。 
 
An "entropic" regime has one means of increasing the general entropy within its own sphere of influence, namely, by tightening its own central control, rendering itself more mon olithic, and enclosing society in a straitjacket of one dimensional manipulation. But with every step it takes in this direction, it inevitably increases its own entropy too.
  一种“熵”的制度在其自身影响的范围之内拥有一种增长熵的总量的手段,即通过抓紧它自己的中心控制,令自己更加坚如磐石,将社会禁锢在一件只有一种尺度控制的紧身衣中。伴随着在这个方向上采取的每一个步骤,它不可避免地也使自己的熵增殖。
 
In an effort to immobilize the world, it immobilizes itself, undermining its own ability to cope with anything new or to resist the natural currents of life. The "entropic" regime is, thus, doomed to become the victim of its own lethal principle, and the most vulnerable victim at that, thanks to the absence of any impulse within its own structure that could, as it were, make it face up to itself. Life, by contrast, with its irrepressible urge to oppose entropy, is able all the more successfully and inventively to resist being violated, the faster the violating authority succumbs to its own sclerosis(硬化症).
在使世界僵止不动的努力中,它也令自己僵止不动,暗中瓦解了自己对任何新生事物妥善处理或阻挡自然的生活之流的能力。因此,这种“熵”的制度注定地变成它自己的致命原则的牺牲品而且是最脆弱的牺牲品,由于在它自身结构之内缺乏任何动力,将转向自己的反面*(face up to是“正面”的意思)。与此相反,生活以她压抑不了的渴望反对熵,她越来越有能力成功地和富有创造性地抵制被强暴,即强暴的权威将更快地受制于其自身。 
 
In trying to paralyze life, then, the authorities paralyze themselves and, in the long run, make themselves incapable of paralyzing life.
 因此,由于试图使生活瘫痪,当权者也令自己瘫痪,从长远的眼光来看,这将使得他们丧失令生活瘫痪的能力。
In other words, life may be subjected to a prolonged and thorough process of violation, enfeeblement, and anesthesia*(麻痹). Yet, in the end, it cannot be permanently halted. Albeit quietly, covertly, and slowly, it nevertheless goes on. Though it be estranged from itself a thousand times, it always manages in some way to recuperate; however violently ravished, it always survives, in the end, the power which ravished it. It cannot be otherwise, in view of the profoundly ambivalent nature of every "entropic” authority, which can only suppress life if there is life to suppress and so, in the last resort, depends for its own existence on life, whereas life in no way depends on it. The only force that can truly destroy life on our planet is the force which knows no compromise: the universal validity of the second law of thermodynamics.
换句话说,生活可能臣服于一个长时间的彻底的被强暴、令其衰弱和麻痹的过程。但是,她不可能永远地止步不前。尽管或多或少地隐蔽地和缓慢地,然而她在继续。尽管她一千次被疏远自身,但她总是能以某种方式使自身复原;不管怎样被粗暴地蹂躏,她最终要比蹂躏她的力量活得更长久。这不可能是别的什么,而是由于每一个“熵”的权威,其深刻的自相矛盾,它仅仅在有生活的情况下才能压抑生活,因此,说到底,为了它自己存在它要依赖生活,而生活不以任何方式依赖它。在这个星球上能真正毁坏生活的唯一力量是那种不知道妥协的力量:第二热力学定律的普遍效应。
 
If life cannot be destroyed for good, then neither can history be brought entirely to a halt. A secret streamlet trickles on beneath the heavy cover of inertia and pseudo-events, slowly and inconspicuously undercutting* (cut away the part below or under (a thing))it. It may be a long process, but one day it must happen: the cover will no longer hold and will start to crack.
 如果生活不可能永久地被毁灭,那么,历史也不可能全部进入一种止步不前。秘密的小溪涓涓流淌于惯性和伪事件沉重的覆盖之下,渐渐地并难以觉察地从底部呈现*(接近于汉语中的“挖墙脚”,从底部溃烂)出来。这或许是一个漫长的过程,但是有一天它必然发生:这种覆盖将不再有约束并将要揭开*(应该为“裂开”,这两种译法,不仅意思不同,且有主动与被动之分)。
This is the moment when once more something visibly begins to happen, something truly new and unique, something unscheduled in the official calendar of "happenings," something that makes us no longer indifferent to what occurs and when,something truly historic, in the sense that history again demands to be heard.    
  它是这种时刻,是可以看得见的某些事情开始发生,他们是真正新的和独一无二的,从未列入官方“发生”的日历上,并使得我们不再对什么时候发生了什么事无动于衷,它们是真正历史的,在历史要求再次被听到的意义上。 
 
But how, in our particular circumstances, could it come about that history "demands to be heard"? What does such a prospect really imply?
 但是,在我们特殊的环境中,“要求被听到”的历史能到来吗,这样一个前景真正的含义是什么?
 
I am neither historian nor prophet, yet there are some observations touching on the structure of these "moments" which one cannot avoid making.
我既不是历史学家也不是预言家,但是,这儿有一些触及这些没有人可以阻止其发生的“时刻”的结构的观察。 
 
Where there is, in some degree, open competition for power as the only real guarantee of public control over its exercise and, in the last resort, the only guarantee of free speech, the political authorities must willy-nilly participate in some kind of permanent and overt dialogue with the life of society. They are forced continually to wrestle with all kinds of questions which life puts to them. Where no such competition exists and freedom of speech is, therefore, of necessity sooner or later suppressed-as is the case with every "entropic" regime-the authorities, instead of adapting themselves to life, try to adapt life to themselves. Instead of coping openly and continually with real conflicts, demands, and issues, they simply draw a veil over them. Yet somewhere under this cover, these conflicts and demands continue, grow, and multiply, only to burst forth when the moment arrives when the cover can no longer hold them down. This is the moment when the dead weight of inertia crumbles and history steps out again into the arena.
在某种意义上,在那些存在公开的权力竞争,将其作为社会控制权力操作的唯一和真正的保证的地方,说到底,存在言论自由保证的地方,政治权威不管其愿意不愿意,必须以某些方式参与和社会生活长期的和公开的对话。他们被迫持续和所有由生活提交给他们的问题搏斗。在那些没有这种竞争和没有言论自由的地方,迟早必然存在压抑——像在每一个“熵”制度中发生的那样——当权者,不是使自己和生活一致,而是试图令生活和自己一致。不是公开地和持续地处理真正的冲突、要求和争端,而是简单地用一个面纱将它们掩盖起来。但是,在这层掩盖之下的某些地方,这些冲突和要求在继续生长和增多,反而造成这种掩盖不再发生作用时刻的到来。它意味着这样的时刻,死亡的惯性压迫遭到崩溃和历史重又迅速地进入这个地区。 
 
And what happens after that?
 在这种情况之后发生什么?
The authorities are certainly still strong enough to prevent those vital conflicts from issuing in the shape of open discussion or open rivalry for power. But they have no longer the strength to resist this pressure altogether. So life vents itself where it can-in the secret corridors of power, where it can insist on secret discussion and finally on secret competition. For this, of course, the authorities are unprepared: any substantive dialogue with life is outside their range of competence. So they panic. Life sows confusion in their council chambers in the shape of personal quarrels, intrigues, pitfalls, and confrontations. It even infects, as it were, their own representatives: the death mask of impersonality that their officials wore to confirm their identity with the monolith of power is suddenly dropped, revealing live people competing for power in the most "human" way and struggling in self-defense, one against the other.  
当权者当然仍有足够的力量阻止这些致命冲突以公开讨论或公开的权力竞争的形式出现。但他们不再有力量全部抵制这种压力。因此生活在可能的地方给出一条裂隙——在权力的秘密走廊中,那儿可能有着秘密讨论和最终是秘密竞争。当然,当权者对此是没有准备的:任何与生活实质性的对话都超出他们的能力之外。因此他们恐慌。生活以个人的争吵、阴谋、陷阱及对抗的方式散布混乱于他们的会议室中。它甚至还传染给他们自己的代理人:那些无个性的死人般的面具——他们的官员用来确认其坚如磐石的权力的身份——突然滑落,透露出大活人以最“人性”的方式进行的权力之争和以自我保存的形式发生的一个人反对另一个人的斗争。
This is the notorious moment for palace revolutions and putsches* (an attempt at political revolution ;a violent uprising) , for sudden and outwardly mystifying changes of portfolio and changes of key points in set speeches, the moment when real or construed conspiracies and secret centers are revealed, the moment when real or imaginary crimes are made known and ancient guilt unearthed, the moment for mutual dismissals from office, mutual denigration, and perhaps even arrests and trials. Whereas before every man in authority had spoken the same language, used the same clichés, applauded the successful fulfillment of the same targets, now suddenly the monolith of power breaks down into distinguishable persons, still speaking the same language, but using it to make personal attacks on one another. And we learn with astonishment that some of them-those, that is, who lost in the secret struggle for power-had never taken their targets seriously and never successfully fulfilled them far from it,whereas others-the winners-had really meant what they said and are alone capable of achieving their aims.
  对宫廷革命和叛变来说,对高级领导职务突然地和外在的神秘改变及其关键性的套语改变来说,这是声名狼藉的时刻,是真实的或虚构的阴谋和秘密核心被泄露的时刻,是真实的或想像的罪行大白于天下和古老的罪恶被发掘的时刻,是一起被政府开除、一起被贬黜、也许甚而被抓起来送进监狱的时刻。不管在这之前当权者中的每一个人他们说着同一种语言,用同样的陈词滥调,为同样的目标成功实现而欢呼,现在,看似坚如磐石的权力突然崩溃成可以辨认得出的个人,仍然说着那种同样的语言,但是把它用作一个人对另外一个人的攻击。并且我们惊讶地得知,那些在秘密的权力斗争中失势的一些人,从来就没有严肃地对待他们的目标和从来没有成功地实现它们;而其他人,那些获胜者,却真正明白他们说什么和唯独他们能实现成功的目标。
The more rational the construction of the official calendar of nonevents over the years, the more irrational the effect of a sudden irruption of genuine history. All its long-suppressed elements of unrepeatability, uniqueness, and incalculability, all its long-denied mysteries, come rushing through the breach. Where for years we had been denied the slightest, most ordinary surprise, life is now one huge surprise-and it is well worth it. The whole disorderliness of history, concealed under artificial order for years, suddenly spurts out.
多年无事件的官方日历建造得越合理,真正的历史突然侵入的影响便显得越不合理。所有长时间遭到压抑的因素,那些不可重复的独一无二的、非日历化的事件,所有长时间遭到否定的神秘性,迅速冲决出来。在许多年我们始终不去论及的那些最细微也最普遍的令人惊讶的地方,现在生活变成一个巨大的惊奇——它非常值得这样。整个混乱无序的历史,在人工的秩序下封闭了多少年,突然爆发出来。 
How well we know all this! How often we have witnessed it in our part of the world! The machine that worked for years to apparent perfection, faultlessly, without a hitch *(an impediment;a temporary obstacle) , falls apart overnight. The system that seemed likely to reign unchanged  world without end, since nothing could call its power in question amid all those unanimous votes and elections, is shattered without warning. And, to our amazement, we find that nothing was the way we had thought it was.  
 对所有这一切我们多么熟悉!在世界的这个地方我们经常目睹过它!多年来为了表面上的完善、无懈可击、不出一个故障而运转的机器,在一夜之间土崩瓦解。这种看起来非常像不可动摇的、永世长存的君主统治制度,在其所有那些一致的投票和选举中不存在任何怀疑的表示,没有任何迹象便分崩离析。并且,令我们惊讶的是,我们发现没有一条道路是我们曾经想过的那条。 
The moment when such a tornado whirls through the musty edifice*(a building , esp.a large imposing one) of petrified power structures is, of course, far from being just a source of amusement for all of us who are outside the ramparts of authority. For we, too, are always involved, albeit indirectly. Is it not the quiet perennial pressure of life, the ceaselessly resisted, but finally irresistible demands and interests of all society, its conflicts and its tensions, which ever and again spoke the foundations of power? No wonder society continually reawakens at such moments, attaches itself to them, receives them with great alertness, gets excited by them, and seeks to exploit them! In almost every case, such tremors provoke hopes or fears of one kind or another, create-or seem to create-scope for the realization of life's various impulses and ambitions, and accelerate all kinds of movements within society.
当然,这样一种飓风穿过僵化的权力大厦的时刻,远远不是我们这些处于权力堡垒之外的人感到有趣的一个来源*(作者强调的是对“一个”的否定,译文未能表现出来?)。对我们来说,尽管是非直接的,也总是卷入的。除了生活长期而平静的压力,持续的抵抗之外,同时最终也是整个社会的不可抵抗的要求和利益,它们的冲突和张力,时时地瓦解了这权力基础。在这种时刻社会继续在觉醒,投身于其中,带着巨大的热情,并从中受到激发,寻找挖掘自身潜力的道路!几乎每次在这种情况下,这种震颤都唤起了这样那样的希望、恐惧和创造——或看上去像是创造——刺激了将生活各种各样的动力和野心现实化的领域,以及加速所有社会自身之内的运动。
 
Yet, in almost every case, it is equally true that this situation, owing to the basically unnatural structure of the kind of confrontation with life which such shakeups of power bring about, carries with it many incalculable risks.
但是,在每次这种情况下,这也是同样真实的:产生于权力改组导致的根本上是不自然的结构与生活的遭遇,伴随着许多难以计数的危机的到来。
 
I shall try to illuminate further one such risk.  
  我将试图进一步描述这种危机。 
If every day someone takes orders in silence from an incompetent superior, if every day he solemnly performs ritual acts which he privately finds ridiculous, if he unhesitatingly gives answers to questionnaires which are contrary to his real opinions and is prepared to deny himself in public, if he sees no difficulty in feigning sympathy or even affection where, in fact, he feels only indifference or aversion, it still does not mean that he has entirely lost the use of one of the basic human senses, namely, the sense of dignity.   
如果某人每天沉默地执行来自一个不够格的上司的命令,如果他每天严肃地扮演他私下里发现其滑稽可笑的仪式中的角色,如果他没有犹豫地给予提问者和他真正的意见相反的回答,并随时准备在公开场合否认自己,如果他对那些仅仅感到冷漠和厌恶的东西装作同情,甚至抱有很大的热情而并不觉得十分为难,这仍然不意味着他已经完全失去对基本的人类感觉之一的行使,即尊严的感觉。 
 
On the contrary: even if they never speak of it, people have a very acute appreciation of the price they have paid for outward peace and quiet: the permanent humiliation of their human dignity. The less direct resistance they put up to it comforting themselves by driving it from their mind and deceiving themselves with the thought that it is of no account, or else simply gritting their teeth-the deeper the experience etches itself into their emotional memory. The man who can resist humiliation can quickly forget it; but the man who can long tolerate it must long remember it. In actual fact, then, nothing remains forgotten. All the fear one has endured, the dissimulation one has been forced into, all the painful and degrading buffoonery, *(1.a ludicrous person,2.a jester, a mocker)and, worst of all, perhaps, the feeling of having displayed one's cowardice-all this settles and accumulates somewhere in the bottom of our social consciousness, quietly fermenting.  
  相反,即使他们从来没有说起,他们也有着对于为外在的安宁和平静所付出的代价非常敏锐的评估:对他们人类尊严的长期羞辱。他们越少直接地对此反抗——将它们从头脑中赶出去借此安慰自己,和采取将它们当作不予考虑的想法来欺骗自己,或干脆咬紧牙关,这种情感就会铭记在他们感情的记忆中越深。一个人如果能够反抗羞辱,他也可以尽快地将它忘却;而一个人能长时间地忍受,也必将长时间地记住。事实上没有什么东西被遗忘,一个人曾经忍受的恐惧,他被迫进入的掩饰状态,所有那些痛苦的和低下的插科打诨,也许,最坏的还是展示一个人怯懦的情感,所有这些将在我们社会意识深层的某个地方安家和积累,它们正在平静地发酵。 
Clearly, this is no healthy situation. Left untreated, the abscesses suppurate; the pus cannot escape from the body, and the malady spreads throughout the organism. The natural human emotion is denied the process of objectivization and instead, caged up over long periods in the emotional memory, is gradually deformed into a sick cramp, into a toxic substance not unlike the carbon monoxide produced by incomplete combustion.
  显然,这不是健康的情况。将其置之脑后,而脓肿仍在化脓,其浓液不可能不侵入身体,这种疼痛(?)遍布了整个有机体。自然的人类情感不能被赋其客观化的形式,反而长时间关闭在情感的记忆里,逐渐变形为一种有病的夹钳,变成一种有毒的物质,无异于不完全燃烧引起的一氧化碳。 
No wonder, then, that when the crust cracks and the lava of life rolls out, there appear not only well-considered attempts to rectify old wrongs, not only searchings for truth and for reforms matching life's needs, but also symptoms of bilious hatred, vengeful wrath, and a feverish desire for immediate compensation for all the degradation endured. (The impulsive and often wayward forms of this desire may also spring largely from a vague impression that the whole outbreak has come too late, at a time when it has lost its meaning, having no longer any immediate motive and so carrying no immediate risk, when it is actually just an ersatz *(substitute ,imitation (esp.of inferior quality))for something that should have happened in quite a different context.)
  那么无疑地,当这种结痂破裂和生活的遗留物被大声说出,这时出现的不只是考虑周详的纠正过去错误的尝试,不只是寻求真理和谋求满足生活需要的改革,也有着旺盛的暴躁的仇恨、报复性的惯怒,和一种对于所有忍受的屈辱直接弥补的狂热的要求。 (这种要求的冲击波和经常反复无常的形式也许大部分来源于一种含糊的印象,即整个爆发来得太迟了,已经到了失去它的意义,不再有任何直接的动因和并不带来直接的危险这一时刻,实际上它仅仅是在另外一个十分不同的上下文中发生的某种东西的代用品。)
 
No wonder, again, that the men in power, accustomed for years to absolute agreement, unanimous and unreserved support, and a total unity of total pretense, are so shocked by the upsurge of suppressed feelings at such a moment that they feel exposed to such an unheard-of threat and, in this mood (assuming themselves to be the sole guarantors of the world's survival), detect such an unprecedented threat to the rest of the world, too, that they do not hesitate to call upon millions of foreign soldiers to save both themselves and the world.
  无疑地,那些掌权的人们,多年来习惯于绝对听从,习惯于一致的和无保留的支持,习惯于整个是虚伪的统一整体,当他们感到曝光于这样一种前所未闻的威胁中时,对于被压抑的情感的暴涨感到震惊。并且在这种心情下 (设想他们自己是拯救世界的唯一保证人) 察觉到这样一种对这个世界的其余的人们也是空前未有的威胁时,他们毫不犹豫地召集了上百万外国士兵来挽救他们自己和这个世界。 
We experienced one such explosion not long ago. Those who had spent years humiliating and insulting people and were then so shocked when those people tried to raise their own voices, now label the whole episode an "outbreak of passions." And what, pray, were the passions that broke out? Those who know what protracted and thoroughgoing humiliations had preceded the explosion, and who understand the psycho-social mechanics of the subsequent reaction to them should be more surprised at the relatively calm, objective and, indeed, loyal form which the explosion took. Yet, as everyone knows, we had to pay a cruel price for that moment of truth.
  我们不久前经历过这样一次爆发,那些多年来使人羞辱和侮辱人的人对于受害者试图喊出自己的声音感到如此震惊,他们给这场插曲称之为“激情的爆发”。请问,这是什么样的激情?那些在爆发之前知道什么东西被延误,知道彻头彻尾的羞辱,并懂得随后而来必然爆发的社会心理机制的人们,反而对爆发所采取的平静、客观、实际上是忠诚的形式更感到惊奇。然而,正如每个人所了解的,我们为这个真实的时刻付出了残酷的代价。
 
The authorities in power today are profoundly different from those who ruled prior to that recent explosion. Not only because the latter were, so to speak, "originals" and their successors a mere formalized imitation, incapable of refiecting(?) the extent to which the "originals" had meanwhile lost their mystique, but primarily for another reason.
  今天执政当权的人和那些在这次爆发之前统治的前任有深刻的不同。这不仅在于前任们, 如通常所说“有创见性” ,而他们继任者仅仅是一种形式上的模仿,“有创见性”已经失去了它的神秘性;而且是另有原因。
For whereas the earlier version rested on a genuine and not inconsiderable social basis derived from the trustful support accorded, though in declining measure, by one part of the population, and on the equally genuine and considerable attractiveness (which also gradually evaporated) of the social benefits it originally promised, today's regime rests solely on the ruling minority's instinct for self preservation and on the fear of the ruled majority.
因为这个早期形式建立在一种真正的、不可谓不是社会的基础之上,它受到真正自愿的支持,尽管用降低了的标准看,是一部分公众;并且建立在它最初允诺的真正的和相当可观的社会利益的吸引力(它也逐步消失削弱)之上,而今天的制度仅仅建立在少数统治者自我保存的本能和被统治的大多数人的恐惧之上。 
 
In these circumstances, it is hard to foresee all the feasible scenarios for a future "moment of truth": to foresee how such a complex and undisguised degradation of the whole of society might one day demand restitution. And it is quite impossible to estimate the scope and depth of the tragic consequences which such a moment might inflict, perhaps must inflict, on our two nations.  
  在这种情况下,预见任何一个关于未来的“真实的时刻”的可行性方案都是不容易的:去预见整个社会这样一种复杂的没有掩饰的堕落在某一天怎样要求修复,并且去估计在这种时刻对我们两个民族可能的和必然的打击其悲剧结果的范围和结果,也是十分不可能的。 
In this context, it is amazing that a government which advertises itself as the most scientific on record is unable to grasp the elementary rules of its own operations or to learn from its own past.
  在这个上下文中,一个吹嘘自己是有史以来最科学的政府不可能抓住自身运作的基本规则和向自己的过去学习,这是令人惊愕的。 
 
I have made it clear that I have no fear of life in Czechoslovakia coming to a halt, or of history being suspended forever with the accession to power of the present leaders. Every situation in history and every epoch have been succeeded by a fresh situation and a new epoch, and for better or worse, the new ones have always been quite remote from the expectations of the organizers and rulers of the preceding period.
  我说得很清楚,我并不担心捷克斯洛伐克的生活会停止,或者历史会永远中止在当今领导人其权力所达到的地步。历史上的每一种情况或每一个时代都会被一个新的情况和时代所取代,并且或好或坏地。那新产生的总是大大超出先前的组织者和统治者的期待。
What I am afraid of is something else. The whole of this letter is concerned, in fact, with what I really fear-the pointlessly harsh and long-lasting consequences which the present violent abuses will have for our nations. I fear the price we are all bound to pay for the drastic suppression of history, the cruel and needless banishment(formally expel(a person),esp.from a country) of life into the underground of society and the depths of the human soul, the new compulsory deferment of every opportunity for society to live in anything like a natural way. And perhaps it is apparent from what I wrote a little way back that I am not only worried about our current payments in terms of everyday bitterness at the spoliation of society and human degradation, or about the heavy tax we shall have to pay in the long-lasting spiritual and moral decline of society. I am also concerned with the scarcely calculable surcharge which may be imposed on us when the moment next arrives for life and history to demand their due.
我担心的是另外一些事情,事实上,整个这封信所涉及的和我真正担心的是,现在这种暴力的滥用对我们民族所产生的刺耳空洞及长时间影响的结果。我担心我们全体将要为此付出的代价——为极度的历史的压抑,为残酷的和不必要的对生活的流放,令其进入地下状态和人类灵魂的深处,为生活在任何一种自然方式的社会中的每一个机会强迫性的延期。稍微回顾一下我刚写下的东西,将清楚地发现,我所担心的不仅仅是为每天所经受的社会劫掠和人性的堕落通常所要付出的,或者为社会长时间的精神和道德倾斜必须付出的税款。我所涉及的包括生活和历史要求它们应得权益到来的下一个时刻,施予我们的几乎不可计算的超额负担。 
The degree of responsibility a political leader bears for the condition of his country must always vary and, obviously, can never be absolute. He never rules alone, and so some portion of responsibility rests on those who surround him. No country exists in a vacuum, so its policies are in some way always influenced by those of other countries. Clearly the previous rulers always have much to answer for, since it was their policies which predetermined the present situation. The public, too, has much to answer for, both individually, through the daily personal decisions of each responsible human being which went to create the total state of affairs, or collectively, as a socio-historic whole, limited by circumstances and in its turn limiting those circumstances.
一个政治领导人为他国家的状况所承担的责任的程度总是不同的,并且显然不可能是绝对的。他从来不是单独统治,因而一部分责任在于他周围的那些人。没有一个国家存在于真空之中。因此,它的政策以某些方式受其他国家的影响。显然地,先前的统治者总是要承担很多,因为他们的政策在先而且决定了今天的状况。公众,也有很多责任。包括个人,每个有责任的人的每天的决定,造成了这个国家的现状,或者概括地说,*(作者是将“个人”与“集体”作为对照来阐述的,在译文里很模糊)人们作为一种社会历史整体,它受制于环境,同时也影响和限制这些环境。 
 
Despite these qualifications, which naturally apply in our current situation as in any other, your responsibility as a political leader is still a great one. You help to determine the climate in which we all have to live and can therefore directly influence the final size of the bill our society will be paying for today's process of consolidation.
  尽管存在这些限定条件,在我们当前的状况中发生的如同在任何其他状况中一样,作为一个政治领导人,您的责任仍然是巨大的。您帮助决定了我们所有人不得不生活在其中的氛围,因此直接影响了我们的社会将要为今天的稳定所付出的帐单最终的规格。  
 
The Czechs and Slovaks, like any other nation, harbor within themselves simultaneously the most disparate potentialities. We have had, still have, and will continue to have our heroes, and, equally, our informers and traitors. We are capable of unleashing our imagination and creativity, of rising spiritually and morally to unexpected heights, of fighting for the truth and sacrificing ourselves for others.
 捷克和斯洛伐克,像任何其他民族一样,将自己同时潜藏在根本不同的潜能之中。我们曾经有过,现在仍然有并将来继续有我们的英雄,同样,有我们的告密者和卖国贼。我们有能力释放我们的想像力和创造力,有能力将精神和道德水平提高到无法预料的高度,有能力为真理而斗争和为别人牺牲自己。 
 
But it lies in us equally to succumb to total apathy, to take no interest in anything but our bellies, and to spend our time tripping one another up*(挑错). And though human souls are far from being mere pint pots that anything can be poured into (note the arrogant implications of that dreadful phrase so frequent in official speeches, when it is complained that "we"-that is, "the government"-find that such-and-such ideas are being instilled into people's heads), it depends, nevertheless, very much on the leaders which of these contrary tendencies that slumber in society will be mobilized, which set of potentialities will be given the chance of fulfillment, and which will be suppressed.
  但是,这同样也有赖于如果我们自己屈从整个儿冷漠,除了对我们的胃感兴趣以外对其他事情不感兴趣,以及把时间花在互相挑剔上面。尽管人类灵魂远远不是一个任何东西都能往里面倒的容器 (注意在官方的议论中,这样可怕的短语如此经常地夸张使用,当“我们”即“政府”抱怨这样那样的思想正在灌输到人们的头脑之中时) ,然而,它也非常取决于某个领导人,是他可能将社会中沉睡着的那些相反的倾向中哪一种调动出来,将何种潜能给予实现的机会和将何种压抑下去。 
 
 
So far, it is the worst in us which is being systematically activated and enlarged-egotism, hypocrisy, indifference, cowardice, fear, resignation, and the desire to escape every personal responsibility, regardless of the general consequences.
Yet even today's national leadership has the opportunity to influence society by its policies in such a way as to encourage not the worse side of us, but the better.
 到目前为止,在我们中间最坏的是——自我中心、伪善、冷漠、懦弱、恐惧、屈从,从个人责任中逃脱出来并无视其普遍的结果——这样一些东西正在系统地发挥作用和得到蔓延。 但是,即使是今天的民族的领导人也有机会通过其政策影响社会,以唤起人们身上更好的东西,而不是更坏的东西。 
 
 
So far, you and your government have chosen the easy way out for yourselves, and the most dangerous road for society: the path of inner decay for the sake of outward appearances; of deadening life for the sake of increasing uniformity; of deepening the spiritual and moral crisis of our society, and ceaselessly degrading human dignity, for the puny sake of protecting your own power.   
到目前为止,您和您的政府所选择的是对你们自己来说便当的方式,而对社会来说是最危险的道路:为了外在的表象使内在衰败的途径;为了不断加深的统一令生活死亡的途径;微不足道的保护你们自己权力而加深我们社会精神和道德的危机和无休止地损害人类尊严的途径。 
Yet, even within the given limitations, you have the chance to do much toward at least a relative improvement of the situation. This might be a more strenuous and less gratifying way, whose benefits would not be immediately obvious and which would meet with resistance here and there. But in the light of our society's true interests and prospects, this way would be vastly the more meaningful one.
但是,甚至在这样给定的限制之内,您仍然有机会为使形势朝向至少是相对改善的方向做出很多。这将是一种更多紧张而较少满足的道路,它的好处不是马上就能看见,并会在这儿或那儿遇到抵制。但是,依照我们社会真实的利益和前景,这种方法将是有着莫大意义的一种。 
As a citizen of this country, I hereby request, openly and publicly, that you and the leading representatives of the present regime consider seriously the matters to which I have tried to draw your attention, that you assess in their light the degree of your historic responsibility, and act accordingly. 
  作为这个国家的一名公民,我特此坦率地和公开地要求,您和现存制度的领导人认真地考虑我试图引起您注意的这些问题,要求您根据您的历史责任作出估价,并依此而行动。 
 
                    1975年4月
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